Fujimori: “Rumors of My Omnipotence Were Greatly Exaggerated (By Me)”

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Source: Bandera, 1990 (see below)

… there are different psychological mechanisms by which moral control can be selectively activated or disengaged from inhumane conduct. Self-sanctions can be disengaged by reconstruing detrimental conduct through moral justification, euphemistic labeling, and advantageous contrast with other inhumanities; by obscuring personal agency in detrimental activities through diffusion and displacement of responsibility; by disregarding or misrepresenting the harmful consequences of inhumane conduct; and by blaming and dehumanizing the victims. These mechanisms of moral disengagement operate not only in the perpetration of inhumanities under extraordinary circumstances, but in everyday situations where people routinely perform activities that bring personal benefits at injurious costs to others. –Albert Bandura, Selective Activation and Disengagement of Moral Control (1990)

Fujimori maquilla la verdad ante los jueces para evadir sentencia por DDHH: La República (Lima) continues to root for a conviction of former dictator Alberto Fujimori on human rights violations. The latest color commentary and play-by-play from Peru’s version of the OJ Simpson trial of the century:

Está perdido. Fujimori conocía las violaciones de los derechos humanos y el accionar del grupo Colina y le dio amnistía.

Photo caption: He is lost. Fujimori knew of human rights violations and the activities of the Colina group, and granted it amnesty.

Alberto Fujimori ha caído en su propia trampa. Durante los más de 10 años de su gobierno se proyectó como el gran estratega y conductor de las Fuerzas Armadas, que todo lo sabía y podía hacer y deshacer con el apoyo de Vladimiro Montesinos y generales como Nicolás Hermoza Ríos.

Alberto Fujimori has been caught in his own trap. During his more than 10 years in power he was portrayed as the great strategist and hands-on leader of the Armed Forces, which everyone knew, and over which had make or break power, with the support of Montesinos and generals like Hermoza.

“Quien dirige, conduce la estrategia y la operación en todos los detalles soy yo personalmente, (…) confío en las personas, confío en las informaciones, pero quiero procesarlas yo mismo”, le dijo Fujimori al periodista Alamo Pérez Luna, al explicarle su método de trabajo.

“The one who directs, conducts strategy as well as operations in all their details is me, personally, …I trust people, I trust intelligence, but I want to process them myself,” Fujimori once told journalist Alamo Pérez Lima, explaining his working methods.

Ahora, en el juicio por violación de los derechos humanos, pretende hacer creer, al menos al ser interrogado por el fiscal, los abogados y jueces, que su relación con Montesinos y las Fuerzas Armadas era distante y que estos no le informaron de las violaciones de los DDHH.

Now, in his trial for human rights violations, he means to make us believe, at least under cross-examination by the court, the prosecutors, and his own attorneys, that his relationshipo with the armed forces and Montesinos was a distant one and that they did not inform him of human rights violations.

See

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“Pro-Fujimori caras pintadas threaten to disrupt the trial”The reporter now briefly summarizes play-by-play from the court session narrated in detail above.

Sin embargo, para que la nueva imagen que Fujimori proyecta a los jueces sea real o creíble, habría que suponer que él cedió parte de su poder o que fue un títere de los militares y que los verdaderos gobernantes del Perú, entre julio de 1990 hasta octubre del 2000, fueron Montesinos y las FFAA.

However, in order for this new image Fujimori is presenting to the judges to be realistic or credible, one wouldhave to suppose that the delegated some of his power, or that he was a puppet of the military men, and that the real rulers of Peru between July 1990 and October 2000 ere Montesinos and the Armed Forces.

Pero, en el mismo interrogatorio, Fujimori desmiente esa posibilidad y reafirma su liderazgo sobre los militares y su asesor: “No cedí el poder, yo seguí siendo el jefe supremo de las FFAA. Montesinos asume esa labor de coordinación. Yo solo le asigno el cargo de asesor del SIN”, respondió cuando le preguntaron si cogobernó con Montesinos.

But Fujimori’s own testimony precludes this possibility, reaffirming his leadership of the militar and his aide: “I did not delegate power, I continued as supreme commander of the Armed Forces. Montesinos took over the job of coordination. I only appointed him to the post of advistor to SIN,” he responded, when asked if he co-governed with Montesinos.

Y sobre los militares ha dicho que estos acataban la Constitución y las directivas y lineamientos que les transmitía para salvar al Perú del avance del terrorismo que había derrotado al Estado.

On the military, he has said they respected the Constitution and the directives and guidelines he gave them for saving Peru from the advance of the terrorism that had defeated the State.

Esta contrariedad en el Fujimori histórico y el procesado ha sido advertida por los jueces y, en las siguientes audiencias, cuando empiecen a declarar los casi 100 testigos citados a este juicio, será aún más evidente: el procesado maquilla la verdad a su conveniencia.

This contradiction between the historical Fujimori and Fujimori the defendant has been noted by the judges and, in later court sessions, when the nearly 100 witnesses summoned begin to testify, it will become even more obvious: The defendant is glossing over the truth in a self-serving manner.

Lo real entonces es lo que dice la acusación fiscal: “Fujimori ordenó la creación del grupo Colina y aprobó los planes operativos para ejecuciones clandestinas, actuando en una estructura de mando, donde daba las órdenes sabiendo que estas serían cumplidas”.

The reality is therefore what the indictment says: “Fujimori ordered the creation of the Colina group and approved operation plans for extrajudicial executions, in a command structure in which he gave orders, knowing they would be obeyed.”

SIN ANTECEDENTES. Este caso solo tiene como precedente el juicio entablado hace más de 75 años al ex dictador Augusto B. Leguía. Pero los delitos reprochados a Leguía parecen ínfimos comparados con los que pesan sobre la conciencia de Fujimori y, claro, aquí no habrá venganza política ni abusos como sucedió con Leguía.

UNPRECEDENTED. The only precedent for the Fujimori case is the trial, suspended more than 75 years ago, of ex-dictator Augusto B. Leguía. But the crimes of which Leguía was accused seem petty next to those that weigh on the conscience of Fujimori and, of course, here the political retribution and abuses Leguía suffered are not a factor.

Es difícil creer que desconocía

Difficult to believe he did not know

La versión de Alberto Fujimori negando haber avalado la existencia del grupo “Colina” o la violación de los derechos humanos es inverosímil porque junto a Vladimiro Montesinos y el general (r) Nicolás Hermoza Ríos tenían el control del país, indicó Walter Gutiérrez, decano del Colegio de Abogados de Lima.

Fujimori’s denial that he backed the creation of the Colina group or the violation of human rights is not credible, because together with Montesinos and Gen. Hermoza, he controlled Peru, said Walter Gutiérrez, dean of the Lima College of Attorneys.

“Era previsible la conducta procesal del ciudadano Fujimori porque quienes hemos vivido esa época hemos conocido cuál es el perfil de ese señor. Sabemos además que en ese tiempo nada se movía sin el control y sin el conocimiento del domino de la cúpula que manejaba este país, básicamente por los señores Hermoza Ríos, Montesinos Torres y Fujimori”, declaró al programa “No Hay Derecho” de Radio San Borja, al hacer un análisis del interrogatorio al que fue sometido el ex presidente.

“Citizen Fujimori’s conduct in this trial is predictable, because those of us who lived through this period know this gentleman’s character quite well. We also know that during his period nothing happened outside of his control and without the knowledge of the leadership circles that ran the country, made up, essentially, of Hermoza, Montesinos and Fujimori,” he said on the Radio San Borja program [“You Have No Right”], analyzing the cross-examination of the ex-president.

“Es muy difícil decir ahora que se desconocía, que se vivía un mundo paralelo, eso es inverosímil para quienes hemos vivido en esa época. Su conducta es una estrategia de defensa”, manifestó.

“It is very hard to assert know that he did not know, that he lived in a parallel world, this is not credible to those of us who lived through that period. His conduct is a defense strategy,” the dean opined.

Fujimori recibió el Año Nuevo solo. Sus familiares solo pudieron visitarlo hasta las 9:00 de la noche, de acuerdo con el reglamento que rige su reclusión en el penal especial de la sede de la DINOES en Ate.

Fujimori celebrate the New Year alone. His family were only able to visit him until 9:00 pm, under the rules set for his detention in a special holding facility at the DINOES headquarters in Ate.

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