Bat macumba oba: The Batman shield marks protected homes and businesses in Rio’s Western District — and the campaign advertising of two local candidates.
Tu Quoque is a very common fallacy in which one attempts to defend oneself or another from criticism by turning the critique back against the accuser. This is a classic Red Herring, since whether the accuser is guilty of the same, or a similar, wrong is irrelevant to the truth of the original charge. However, as a diversionary tactic, Tu Quoque can be very effective, since the accuser is put on the defensive, and frequently feels compelled to defend against the accusation.
Terra (Brazil) reported on new developments in the case of the Rio de Janeiro lawmaker accused of having a rival parapolitical militia leader, um, whacked.
File under “governance arbitrage and public-private partnerships in the Sino-Paraguayan bazaar of political violence” and “the banana-republican guilty plea, heuristics of.” And see also
- Rio: “Batman Planned to Whack Commissioner Gordon”
- Rio’s Justice League: City Councilman Arrested on Death-Squad Charge
- Rio Militiamen: “GatoNet Will Be Back Up in 15 Days”
- Brazil: “Vote Quimby or You Will Lose Your Job”
- Rio de Janeiro: Bruce Wayne Gets Out of Jail
- Rio: “Nadinho Surrenders; Globo Online Readers Overwhelmingly Favor Militias”
- A Public-Private Partnership For Pakistani Political Violence? “HRCP Assails Vigilantes” For Assailing the HRCP
- Kenyan Political Violence: A Quick Trip to the Morgue
- Kenya: Privatization of Political Violence?
Known locally as the ladrão chamando ladrão de ladrão (“thief calling a thief a thief”) pseudoparadox.
Denunciado por formação de quadrilha pelo Ministério Público, o deputado estadual Natalino José Guimarães (Democratas) rompeu ontem o silêncio. Ele acusa a Polícia Civil de ter deflagrado duas operações em Campo Grande na semana passada em represália às denúncias de corrupção que havia feito contra o delegado titular da Polinter, Herald Espínola, e o inspetor Robson, chefe de investigação da unidade.
Charged with criminal conspiracy by the state prosecutor, state lawmaker Natalino José Guimarães (DEM) broke his silence yesterday. He is accusing the state judicial police of having staged two raids in Campo Grande last week in reprisal for corruption charges he had made against the head of Polinter, Herald Espínola, and Inspector Robson, Polinter’s chief investigator.
“Ele é o braço-direito do Espínola. Nas carceragens da Polinter existe um esquema de extorsão”, disparou Natalino, citando como exemplo a unidade do Grajaú. Segundo ele, famílias de presos pagam R$ 20 pela visita. Detentos gastariam R$ 500 por semana em troca de regalias na prisão. “Quem paga tem frigobar e TV. Quem pega o dinheiro para levar para Espínola é o Robson, o homem da mala”, acusou.
“He is Espínola’s right-hand man. There is an extortion scheme at the Polinter lock-up,” Natalino charged, citing the Grajaú unit as an example. According to the DEM lawmaker, families of prisoners pay $R20 per visit. Prisoners pay R$500 a week in exchange for special privileges. “If you pay, you get a fridge and TV. Robson is the bag man who carries the payoff to Espínola.”
Quarta-feira, a Delegacia de Repressão às Ações Criminosas Organizadas (Draco) deflagrou a Operação Latifúndio. Irmão de Natalino, o vereador Jerônimo Guimarães Filho, o Jerominho (PMDB), foi preso. A dupla é acusada de chefiar a milícia Liga da Justiça. Mais nove foram denunciados – seis estão foragidos. “Essas acusações são falsas”, reagiu Natalino.
On Wednesday, the special organized crime unit (DRACO) carried out Operation Latifúndio. Natalino’s brother, city councilmember Jerôniomo “Jerominho” Guimarães Filho (PMDB) was arrested. The pair is accused of leading the “Justice League” militia. Another nine persons have been charged, of whom six are still at large. “These accusations are false,” Natalino replied.
Local TV has noted that the campaign literature of the two bore the same “Batman” symbol found on numerous houses and business in the Western Zone.
Kind of like that “This property protected by Brinks” they give you to display on your front lawn.
Only Brinks is duly incorporated — in Virginia, I think — and pays taxes, I would imagine. Unless it can legally avoid them. Pays as few taxes as it can get away with without ticking off the IRS, let’s say, but it files, at least.
And its business code of ethics does not explicitly set forth guidelines on when it is, and is not, proper to have its competitors, um, whacked.
O deputado disse ainda que Espínola e Robson simulariam um auto de resistência (morte em confronto) contra ele e o irmão. Embora tenha recebido informações de que o secretário de Segurança, José Mariano Beltrame, soubesse do plano, ele o isentou de envolvimento.
The state lawmaker also claimed that Espínola and Robson forged a charge of [“resistance followed by death” (death during a police action)] against him and his brother. Though he has information that the state public security secretary, Beltrame, knew of the plan, he says that Beltrame was not involved.
Para Natalino, o estopim da investigação foi a acusação contra agentes da Polinter em outubro na Alerj. A queda-de-braço começou com pedido de transferência de André Luiz da Silva Malvar, genro de Jerominho, do Grajaú para Campo Grande. Como Espínola era contra a solicitação, a polícia descobriu que o grupo de Jerominho teria tramado sua morte.
In Natalino’s view, the trigger of the investigation against was his accusation against Polinter agents in October in the state assembly. The face-off begain with a request for transfer by André Luiz da Silva Malvar, his son-in-law, from Grajaú to Campo Grande. Because Espínola was againt the requestion, the police discovered[,] Jerominho’s group was allegedly plotting to [have him whacked].
What is Silva Malvar in for, you ask? G1 has further background:
Em um de seus discursos na Assembléia Legislativa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (Alerj), Natalino critica o delegado por manter o policial André Luiz da Silva Malvar preso na carceragem da Polinter no Grajaú com criminosos “comuns”. Malvar, genro de Jerominho, é acusado de ter participado do atentado ao sargento da PM Francisco Oliveira, o Chico Bala, em agosto na Região dos Lagos.
In his speeches to the state assembly, Natalino is criticizing the head of Polinter for keeping police agent Silva Malvar in the Grajaú lockup with “common” criminals. Malvar, son in law of Natalino’s brother, is accused of taking part in the attack on military police sergeant Francisco “Chico Bullets” in August, in Região dos Lagos.
Ameaças foram feitas a agentes da Delegacia de Homicídios da zona oeste que investigaram a morte do inspetor Félix Tostes, chefe da milícia de Rio das Pedras. Malvar responde pelo crime com o vereador Josinaldo Francisco da Cruz, o Nadinho de Rio das Pedras (Democratas). Natalino negou a acusação: “Renuncio meu mandato se comprovarem algum grampo meu sobre ameaça”. As autoridades citadas pelo deputado não quiseram se pronunciar.
Threats have been received by agents of the Western Zone Homicide Division who investigated the death of state judicial police inspector Félix Tostes, head of the militia in Rio das Pedras. Malvar is charged with that crime, along with Nadinho de Rio das Pedras, a DEM city councilmember. Natalino denies the accusations: “I will resign my seat if they can prove any wiretap of mine on threats.” The authorities cited by the lawmaker had no comment.
Luciano pode ser expulso da PM – Foragido, o soldado da PM Luciano Guinâncio Guimarães, filho de Jerominho, responde a Processo Administrativo Disciplinar no Conselho de Praças. Há dois meses, Luciano é investigado por envolvimento com o transporte clandestino e pode acabar sendo expulso da Polícia Militar. Em julho, o policial foi para a reserva remunerada por estar há dois anos fora da corporação, cedido à Câmara dos Vereadores.
Luciano could be kicked off the force — Still at large, military police private Luciano Guinâncio Guimarães, Jerominho’s son, is the subject of an internal disciplinary hearing in te PM’s Council of Privates. Two months ago, Luciano came under investigation for involvement in the underground transport rackes and may end up kicked off the force.
Or may not.
In July, the police agent was assigned the paid reserves because he had been two years away from active duty, seconded to the City Council.
Jerominho e Natalino podem ser expulsos da Polícia Civil. Como O Dia noticiou ontem, os dois foram indiciados por envolvimento com o transporte clandestino na Corregedoria-Geral Unificada.
Jerominho and Natalino may be expelled from the state judicial police.
Or they may not.
And yes, they are both cops and elected lawmakers — and accused of engaging in a “Vote Quimby or my friend here, who is good friends Commissioner Gordon, will blow your fucking head off” style of campaigning. See also
- Rio: “Armed Groups Interfere With Freedom of Association”
- Rio: “The Cop, The Militiaman and the King of the Hill”
The latter the best reporting on the subject I think I have seen.
Being a ranking police official and having world-class parliamentary immmunity that makes Swiss banking privacy laws look like freaking Sarbanes-Oxley: The basic legal framework that has kept the hog heaven of the hard men in operation all these decades.
The Associated Press reported last year that militia groups operate with the “tacit support” of Rio mayor Cesar Maia (DEM).
Infographic from the “ex-blog” of Rio Mayor Cesar “Chairman” Maia shows reported sounds of gunfire in the city. The Red Zone is the Western District, which Globo now reports — it’s definitive! though other news organizations beat the Silver Venus to the story by just about a year — is the hog heaven of the militia protection rackets. (Counterintuitively, by the way, the Green Zone is not a paradise on earth of peace and tranquillity, but rather an area of less frequent reports of gunfire.) See also TV Globo: “Where Do The Militias Operate?” The Associated Press had reported — editorializing in the news hole like they worked for the Moonie-owned Washington Times or some Red State-Blue State blogging consultancy — that paramilitary protection rackets were proving to be a successful ad hoc strategy against criminal violence. The pattern illustrated here suggests otherwise.