Giampietri
Italian arms manufacturer Oto Melera, suspiciously, named Ascención Cubas Muñoz, a partner of Sergio Siragusa, its representative in Peru. Siragusa alleged that he paid bribes to Alan Garcia for a favorable ruling on the electric train from the Rome consortium Tralima.
Pandolfi financió la compra de armas que gestionó Giampietri (La República, Peru).
Peru is, technically speaking, in the process of trying and frying former president Alberto Fujimori, as you may know, with the loud support of Amnesty International.
Among the litany of charges against him:
Acusado del uso indebido de recursos del Estado para controlar las líneas editoriales de medios de comunicación televisiva (Cable Canal de Noticias – CCN) y prensa escrita (Diario “Expreso”) a fin de favorecer la imagen del gobierno.
Accused of improper use of public funds to control the editorial lines of TV (CCN) and print media (the Expreso newspaper) in order to promote a positive image of the government.
That’s Cable News Network, S.A., to you and me, but I do not think it is tied to Ted Turner’s brainchild.
It is rebroadcast in Peru by the Spanish behemoth Telefónica, and sued the Spaniards, in fact, in 2001, accusing them of trying to restrict freedom of expression.
See also Mexico: Purse, Press and Power.
The Garcia government, meanwhile, has itself suspended the Constitution in parts of the country. See Peru: You Got the Army on the Streets.
And meanwhile, police are investigating arms trafficking involving these fine martial lawmen, in cahoots with narcos and FARC. See Peruvian Army Arms the FARC Through the Narc?
How deep does that go, anyway? That will require some study to find out.
The investigative unit of the Lima daily fills in some of the latest devilish details surround the question of whether the current APRA government really has sufficient distance from the Fujimori regime to clean up its mess.
You see a similar pattern in Mexico right now, I think: Calderón is not Fox! It’s all Fox’s fault!
But the Calderón government is visibly loaded with the usual suspects.
See, for example, The Dream Cabinet of Dr. Calderón, II: The Minister of Human Rights Violations and Mexico: The Return of the Hard Men With the Dirty Hands.
And both governments are heavy with ultrarightist religious conservatives.
El primer vicepresidente de la República, Luis Giampietri Rojas, argumentó que llevó al ex primer ministro Alberto Pandolfi al Poder Ejecutivo como un gesto de gratitud al gobierno fujimorista que le salvó la vida. Pero Giampietri no solo le debe retribución a Pandolfi por la “Operación Chavín de Huántar”.
Peru’s first vice president, Luis Giampietri Rojas, has argued that he brought former Prime Minister Alberto Pandolfi into the government as a gesture of gratitude to the Fujimori government that saved his life. But Giampetri does not owe Pandolfi for Operation Chavin de Huántar alone.
According to the man’s Wikipedia profile — for whatever a Wikipedia profile is really worth:
Giampietri is a staunch supporter of granting amnesty for human rights abuses by the Military of Peru.
Pandolfi had to resign his post in the Garcia government.
A Web site called Fujimori Extraditable serves as a clearinghouse on these matters, it seems, from a quick google.
El diez de abril de 1996, Alberto Fujimori y Pandolfi –y con ellos el entonces ministro de Economía, Jorge Camet– firmaron el Decreto de Urgencia Nº 020-96, que dispuso el financiamiento de la compra de armamento que, como presidente e integrante de la Comisión de Adquisiciones de la Marina, aprobó el vicealmirante Luis Giampietri, en los años 1994 y 1995.
On April 10, 1996, Fujimori and Pandolfi, along with then-Economy minister Jorge Camet, signed Emergency Decree No. 020-96, which provided for the financing of weaponry which Vice-Admiral Giampietri, as president of the Procurement Commission of the Navy, had approved in 1994 and 1995.
Precisamente por haber suscrito entre otros el mencionado Decreto de Urgencia, en 2003 el Congreso inhabilitó por diez años a Pandolfi para ejercer cualquier función pública.
Precisely because he had signed the Emergency Decree, the Peruvian Congress, in 2003, suspended Pandolfi from holding public office of any kind for ten years.
Con esos amigos
With friends like this …
Lo más sorprendente es que el indicado decreto rubricado por Pandolfi facilitó el pago de las adquisiciones de equipos de combate de los tres institutos armados. En el caso de la Marina, las compras las gestionó el propio Giampietri, como lo demuestran los documentos reservados del instituto naval.
The most surprising thing is that the decree signed by Pandolfi facilitated payment for combat equipment procured by the three armed forces. In the Navy’s case, the procurement was managed by Giampietri himself, as classified documents from the naval institute show.
Por haber intervenido en dichas operaciones, dos fiscales anticorrupción investigan al primer vicepresidente Luis Giampietri.
Two anticorruption prosecutors are investigating Vice-President Giampietri for his roles in those transactions.
Al respecto la titular de la Cuarta Fiscalía Anticorrupción, Marlene Berrú Marreros, indaga a Giampietri por haber aprobado compras a empresas relacionadas con la mafia de proveedores de armamento que le pagaban sobornos a Vladimiro Montesinos.
The head of the 4th Anticorruption Bureau, Marlene Berrú Marrerors, is investigating Giampietri for having approved purchases from firms linked to the arms supplier mafia that paid bribes to Vladimiro Montesinos.
Vladimiro Lenin — bwa ha ha — Montesinos Torres
was the long-time, powerful head of Peru‘s intelligence service, Servicio de Inteligencia Nacional (SIN), under President Alberto Fujimori. In 2000, secret videos were televised revealing him bribing a politician and the ensuing scandal caused Montesinos to flee the country, later contributing to the resignation of the administration of Alberto Fujimori. Subsequent investigations revealed Montesinos was at the centre of a vast web of illegal activities, including embezzlement, graft, and drug trafficking, for which he is currently being tried.
Oops
Mientras, el responsable de la Segunda Fiscalía Anticorrupción, Óscar Zevallos Palomino, dirige sus pesquisas para determinar la presunta responsabilidad de Giampietri en tres adquisiciones de repuestos para misiles Oto Melara, que los propios dirigentes apristas Alan García y Jorge del Castillo, en 1996, denunciaron como transacciones corruptas.
The head of the 2nd Anticorruption Office, Mr. Zevallos, meanwhile, is directing his investigations toward the alleged culpability of Giampietri in three deals involving Oto Melara missiles, deals that APRA leaders Alan Garcia and Jorge del Castillo denounced as corrupt in 1996.
Giampietri ya declaró ante ambos fiscales.
The vice-president has already given statement to both investigators.
Sobre este último caso, Giampietri protestó por el inicio de la investigación en su contra decretada por el fiscal Zevallos, e incluso habló de una supuesta conspiración para perjudicarlo.
Regarding the latter case, Giampietri protested the Zevallos investigation at the outset, and spoke of an alleged conspiracy to undermine him.
Bingo.
One more data point for my personal theory of the “Latin American guilty plea.”
Paulo Maluf also told the Manhanttan DA that the charges against him were the product of “political persecution,” for example. See Rohter on Maluf: The Blind Eye Misreading the Blind Eye.
And members of Mexico’s election commission criticized freedom of information requests under Mexican law as an instrument of political persecution. See Mexico’s IFE: Open-Ended Exceptions to Transparency.
Meanwhile, Salvador Pertence of the Brazilian Supreme Court said that the appearance of his name on a wiretap in which verdict-buying was discussed by skeevy “consultants” was an attempt to undermine his selection as the next Minister of Justice.
Mr. Genro was selected as the next Minister of Justice, replacing Mr. Bastos. See Pertence Probed by PGR; Waxes Wroth.
Además, el primer vicepresidente señaló a este diario que le atribuían haber participado en la adquisición de misiles Oto Melara, cuando tal operación no llegó a concretarse.
Moreover, the first VP told this newspaper that they are accusing him of participating in the missile procurement deal when the deal never went through.
What, attempted corruption is not also a crime in the Andes?
Pero fuentes de la Segunda Fiscalía Anticorrupción precisaron que a Giampietri se le indaga por las compras de repuestos de misiles Oto Melara, en las que efectivamente intervino.
But sources in the 2d Anticorruption Bureau say that Giampietro is being investigated for procurement of replacement Oto Melara missiles, in which he intervened.
En el camino
On the road
Giampietri aprobó 87 operaciones de compra de equipos bélicos en cumplimiento del Decreto de Urgencia Nº 020 y del Decreto Supremo Nº 004, ambos de 1995. Sin embargo, es con el Decreto de Urgencia Nº 020-96, firmado por Fujimori y Pandolfi, que se regulariza el pago de las adquisiciones que en el caso de la Marina evaluó y aprobó Pandolfi.
Giampietri approved 87 purchase transactions of military equipment under Emergency Decree No. 20 and Supreme Decree No. 004, both from 1995. However, it is Emergency Decree No. 020-96, signed by Fujimoi and Pandolfi, that legitimated the acquisitions that Pandolfi evaluated and approved for the Navy.
En 2004, la Comisión Herrera emitió un informe, con la aprobación del representante del APRA, Javier Velásquez Quesquén, en el que se concluye que durante la gestión de Giampietri se compró armamento a empresas de Moshe Rothschild, Enrique Benavides y Claus Corpancho, quienes abonaban “comisiones” a Montesinos para resultar beneficiados con las adquisiciones. Este es el caso que investiga la fiscal Marlene Berrú.
In 2004, the Herrer Commission issued a report, approved by the APRA representative, Javier Velásquez Quesquén, that concludes that during Giampietri’s tenure arms were procured from Moshe Rothschild, Enrique Benavides and Claus Corpancho, who paid Montesinos “commission” in order to get the trade. This is the case being investigated by Berrú.
El propio Pandolfi fue inhabilitado por el Congreso por aprobar la compra de los aviones de guerra MiG-29 y Sukhoi-25 a Bielorrusia, que vendieron los socios de Montesinos: Rothschild, Benavides y Corpancho.
Pandolfi was sacked by Congress for having approved the purchase of MiG-29 and Sukhoi-25 fighter planes from Byelorussia, which were sold by Montesinos’ associates, Rothschild, Benavides and Corpancho.
Entre las 87 operaciones aprobadas por Giampietri se incluye tres compras de repuestos para misiles Oto Melara por US$ 9.9 millones, en 1995.
Among the 87 deals approved by Giampietri were three deals for replacement Oto Melara missiles for $9.9 million in 1995.
At least they were not Patriots. Italian taxpayers are responsible for looking after this one.
La fábrica italiana de armamento sospechosamente designó como representante en Perú a Ascensión Cubas Muñoz, socio del italiano Sergio Siragusa, quien afirmó haberle pagado supuestos sobornos a Alan García por la adjudicación del tren eléctrico al consorcio romano Tralima.
The Italian arms manufacturer, suspiciously, named Ascención Cubas Muñoz, a partner of Sergio Siragusa, its representative in Peru. Siragusa alleged that he paid bribes to Alan Garcia for a favorable ruling on the electric train from the Rome consortium Tralima.
“Yo no traté con los proveedores. Jamás me reuní con ninguno. No tuve contacto directo con nadie”, declaró Giampietri a La República cuando en su momento le preguntó por las dos investigaciones de los fiscales anticorrupción.
I did not deal with suppliers. I never met with anyone. I had no direct contact with anyone,” Giampietri told La República when asked about the two investigations.
Claves
Keys to the case
CONFIRMACIÓN. Consultada la Segunda Fiscalía Anticorrupción, confirmaron que el primer vicepresidente Luis Giampietri es indagado por haber aprobado la adquisición de repuestos para misiles Oto Melara.
Contacted by LR, the 2nd Anticorruption Bureau confirmed that Giampietri is under investigation for the purchase of replacement Oto Melara missiles.
VERIFICACIÓN. La fiscalía informó que el caso jamás fue archivado por el Ministerio Público porque quedaron pendientes de realización una serie de diligencias para aclarar el papel que desempeñó Giampietri.
The anticorruption office stated that the case was never archived by the federal prosecutor, because a series of investigation were still pending into Giampietri’s role.
As in the film Animal House, it seems, the fellow was on “double-secret super-probation.”
The New Market Machines 