Nassif: Veja’s Deep Throats


Veja’s Mainardi on Globo’s late-night Jô Xô repeats the unsubstantiated rumor that senior government officials have bribe-stuffed offshore bank accounts — defending the exercise in logic-chopping gibberish with a gibbering tautology.

Brazilian political and economic commentators perform their analyses before the fact. Before they know that it actually happened, they have an explanation for it. They present opinion divorced from information. –Ricardo Kaufmann (O Globo: “Chávez Won the Referendum Because He Manipulated the System!”)

A “senior adviser to Bush,” Suskind reports, says to him that “guys like me were ‘in what we call the reality-based community,’ which he defined as people who ‘believe that solutions emerge from your judicious study of discernible reality.’ I nodded and murmured something about enlightenment principles and empiricism. He cut me off. ‘That’s not the way the world really works anymore,’ he continued. ‘We’re an empire now, and when we act, we create our own reality. And while you’re studying that reality — judiciously, as you will — we’ll act again, creating other new realities, which you can study too, and that’s how things will sort out. We’re history’s actors . . . and you, all of you, will be left to just study what we do.’

Rumor is both a process of information dissemination and a process of interpretation and commentary. Shibutani conceives of rumor as a collective activity that tries to make sense of unexplained events, but insists that it depends on two necessary conditions: The importance of the information and its ambiguity. —“Rumors: Voices That Insinuate”

O araponga e o repórter: “The Spy and the Reporter.”

Brazilian business journalist Luis Nassif publishes another installment in his series on the type of “journalism” practiced by Veja magazine (Editora Abril).

My wife and I laughed last week to see the leader of the opposition in the lower house of Congress, deputy Vergilio of Amapá, repeatedly telling the TV cameras that Veja is a “serious and responsible” news publication.

It demonstrably is not. Quite the contrary But as Nassif has pointed out in a number of cases, the ethos argument is an integral part of its “toxic sludge is good for you” marketing strategy.

If you tend to report a lot of nonexistent facts and otherwise perpetrate acts of heinous journalistic incompetence or bad faith, it does not matter. You just keep repeating, “We are excellent journalists,” and get your cronies to repeat it as well. Ad nauseam.

Nassif has made some perceptive comments on the magazine as an importer of what he calls “the neocon style.”

I hope that when he polishes up this series into a book that he will include a chapter that traces the history and characteristics of that “neocon style.”

The infamous remarks of an anonymous White House staffer to Ron Suskind of the New York Times Magazine (above) are perhaps the most succinct state of principles of this contempt for critical collaborative knowledge-seeking, according to which, despite what Sen. Moynihan famously said, one is entitled to one’s own facts, or even to form opinions in the absence of facts.

At any rate, I continue to translate pra inglês ver as I find time. This episode highlights a crucial difference between Brazilian Deep Throats and the Deep Throat source used by Woodstein in Watergate.

Woodstein checked out what their Deep Throat was telling them. The usual procedure: If you cannot corroborate, you cannot vouch for it, and if you cannot vouch for it, you cannot print it in the paper.

Brazilian Deep Throats, on the other hand, are given full editorial control. No fact-checking involved. Fax it in and we will run it. Hillary Clinton performed oral sex with Fidel Castro? Really? Well, okay, if you say so …

A matéria foi bombástica e ajudou a deflagrar a crise do “mensalão”. Uma reportagem de 18 de maio de 2005, de Policarpo Jr., da sucursal da Veja em Brasília, mostrava o flagrante de um funcionários dos Correios – Mauricio Maurinho – recebendo R$ 3 mil de propina (clique aqui)

It was a bombshell of an article and helped unleash the “big monthly allowance” scandal. A report published May 18, 2005 by Policarpo Jr. of the Brasília bureau of Veja showed how Maurinho, an employee of the federal postal service, was caught in the act taking a R$3,000 bribe [URL].

A abertura seguia o estilo didático-indagativo da revista:

The lead graf was typical of the magazine’s [pedantic and moralizing] style:

(…) Por quê? Por que os políticos fazem tanta questão de ter cargos no governo? Para uns, o cargo é uma forma de ganhar visibilidade diante do eleitor e, assim, facilitar o caminho para as urnas. Para outros, é um instrumento eficaz para tirar do papel uma idéia, um projeto, uma determinada política pública. Esses são os políticos bem-intencionados. Há, porém, uma terceira categoria formada por políticos desonestos que querem cargos apenas para fazer negócios escusos – cobrar comissões, beneficiar amigos, embolsar propinas, fazer caixa dois, enriquecer ilicitamente.

“Why? Why are politicians so eager to get appointed to government posts. For some of them, the post provides them with visibility that helps them with their election campaigns. For others, it is an efficient way of getting an idea, a project, a specific public policy, off the drawing board. These are the well-intentioned politicians. But there is a third category composed of dishonest politicians who seek government appointments merely in order to do dirty deals — charge commissions, benefit their cronies, pocket bribes, launder money into slush funds, get rich quick.”

A revista informava que tinha conseguido dar um flagrante em um desses casos na semana anterior:

The magazine reported that it had managed to catch one of the dishonest politicians in the act the previous week:

“Raro, mesmo, é flagrar um deles em pleno vôo. Foi o que VEJA conseguiu na semana passada.’

‘It is a rare thing, indeed, to catch this sort of bird on the wing. But that is what VEJA managed to do last week.”

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“Veja Ratfinked Cardoso’s Karl Rove”


School for scandal remains in session: “Straight-razor to the quick: the blade of the anticorruption federal police operation has already [chopped off the head] of [the owner of Gautama] and [the minister of Mines and Energy] and now is nearing the neck of the President of the Senate.” Violent imagery straight from the media playbook of Mexico’s Gente Nueva. The article did not accuse the Senator of any relationship to Gautama, however. It accused him of accepting money from a big construction firm, Mendes Junior, to pay personal expenses. Those charges, and others later shrieked about by the magazine, were never substantiated. Nothing was revealed. Veja‘s anonymous source: The palimony lawyer of the Senator’s baby mom, who later appeared in Veja’s sister publication, Playboy Brasil. Starkers.

Revista Veja perde ação contra ex-secretário-geral de FHC: Imprensa magazine (Brazil) reports on a civil libel action brought by a former government official against Veja magazine (Editora Abril) and a number of other news organizations.

The man, the former chief of staff [sort of] of the Cardoso presidency, also won defamation suits against O Globo and the Folha de S. Paulo.

This would make a perfect case study for journalist Luis Nassif, who is writing a book on Veja journalism — briefest of summaries: “It stinks!” — in installments and publishing the draft chapters to Google Pages.

Nassif and the Estado de S. Paulo were cited by the plaintiff in the case as exception to the lynch-mob atmosphere surrounding the case (see below).

Press freedom watchers have expressed (to some extent justifiable) concern about the extreme litigiousness of the relationship between the Brazilian news media and the public figures it covers, but often fail, I think, to draw a distinction between

  1. SLAPP suits designed to punish those who publish inconvenient but corroborated facts — which do seem to be thick on the ground here (Bishop Macedo v. Elvira Lobato of he Folha may be such a case, for example), and
  2. Genuine cases of what we refer to here at NMM as “the gabbling ratfink” — vicious, unbridled, mendacious, moral panic-driven, rumor-mongering, gabbling, quacking, flimsy, alarmist claptrap, perpetrated with “actual malice” or the journalistic equivalent of reckless disregard for the Reality Principle.

Conducting a public information service while giddily intoxicated with the power of monopolizing the gazillion-jigawatt megaphone.

Brazil needs something like a New York Times Co. v. Sullivan to help it conceptualize this difference.

News coverage and activism around this issue, meanwhile, needs to engage in the lost art of fact-checking to shine light on the difference between freedom of expression and the screaming of vicious lies — “The Tutsi have already massacred 300,000 Hutu!” — into the gazillion-jigawatt megaphone.

Here, for example, no summary of the case in all the (scant) news coverage I have read bothers to summarize what nonexistent facts were allegedly alleged.

It is impossible to judge whether the judges judged correctly — whether Veja was a victim of oppression or a perpetrator of the gabbling ratfink — without knowing what factoids it was found to have misstated for fun and profit.

The plaintiff in the case also applied for sanctions against the federal prosecutors in his case — and won suspensions for both of them. He published an indignant letter in the Observátorio da Imprensa in 2002 about the “lynch mob” journalism to which he was subjected. I translate that below.

Revista Veja foi condenada a pagar indenização de R$ 150 mil por danos morais ao ex-secretário-geral da Presidência no governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Eduardo Jorge Caldas Pereira.

Veja magazine was sentenced to pay damages of R$150,000 for defamation to the former secretary-general of the federal presidency under the Cardoso administration, Eduardo Jorge Caldas Pereira.

Em votação unânime na tarde da última terça-feira (18), a 4ª Turma do Superior Tribunal de Justiça – formada pelos ministros Aldir Passarinho Junior, Fernando Gonçalves, Massami Uyeda e João Otávio de Noronha – confirmou a condenação da revista.

In an unanimous vote, the 4th Chamber of the [local equivalent of the Circuit Court of Appeals, in terms of hierarchy] — Passarinho, Gonçalves, Uyeda and Noronha — upheld the condemnation of the magazine.

De acordo com informações do site Consultor Jurídico, esta é a quarta decisão que Eduardo Jorge vence. Ele já recebeu indenizações do jornal O Globo e Correio Braziliense. Já o diário Folha de S.Paulo também foi condenado a pagar indenização e já fez o depósito do dinheiro. A revista Isto É também foi condenada, mas tem recurso no STJ.

According to Consultor Jurídico, this is the fourth case Caldas Perreira has won. He has already been paid damages by O Globo and the Correio Braziliense. The Folha de S. Paulo was also ordered to pay damages, and has deposited the amount in escrow. IstoÉ magazine was also ordered to pay damages, but an appeal is pending.

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Colombia: EL TIEMPO Regrets The Leak Journalism

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The photo in question: Not the Ecuadoran security minister.

EL TIEMPO (Bogotá) runs a photo it claims shows the Ecuadoran minister of internal and external security with “Raúl Reyes” of FARC, supposedly captured from the laptop of the FARC commander during the raid that killed him and other members of FARC party camped in the Ecuadoran jungle.

It then retracts that statement, saying its anonymous source inside the National Police disinformed it. The photo is not of the Ecuadoran official.

Ecuador now refuses to resume diplomatic relations with Uribeland — “the other Bolivarian republic” — citing this story as an instance of what it calls a government-sponsored, media-driven “smear campaign.”

EL TIEMPO belongs to the Santos family, which recently sold a substantial stake to a Spanish media group with promises that its editorial independence would be respected. The vice-president and defense minister of Colombia are both named Santos.

J.J. Rendón reportedly works for them. But see also

Another instance of what looks to have been a disinformation gambit in the Rendón-Segretti-Mainardi style:

See also

Given that sensational initial reports tend to stick in the memory more than corrections do, I imagine the idea here is that the rumor of an Ecuador in cahoots with the narco-FARC will persist in the popular imagination despite the correction.

We saw a case of this in Brazil recently (where rumors that the current government is in cahoots with the narco-FARC are thick upon the ground as well.)

An opposition senator screamed that the Brazilian government was secretely shipping weapons to Venezuela, taking sides in the diplomatic crisis and helping to militarize it!

The defense minister here explained that this was some sort of routine transaction involving a modest consignment of police revolvers or something.

The senator quietly said he accepted that explanation.

The hysterical screaming got a lot more play, of course.

La Dirección General de la Policía Nacional emitió un comunicado en el que asume que el documento gráfico fue suministrado por una fuente de esa institución. EL TIEMPO ofreció disculpas al ministro.

The National Police  issued a press release in which it admits that the photo was handed over by a National Police source. EL TIEMPO has apologized to the minister.

La institución ordenó una investigación interna para establecer quienes fueron los responsables de la entrega de la fotografía y de la información sobre la misma.

The National Police has ordered an internal investigation to establish who was responsible for leaking the photo and the information about it.

El personaje que apareció en la fotografía es en realidad el dirigente comunista argentino Patricio Etchegaray.

The person who appeared in the photo is in fact the Argentine communist leader Patricio Etchegaray.

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Mexico: “Is SEGOB a Dead Man Walking?”


In the Midnight Hour: Harvard’s favorite son and his Brooks Bros. Riot Brigade as the oath is administered at 3 minutes after midnight. Not shown: batallion of Marines required to get him into the building. Fox, left: Sangre de Coca-Cola

Writing in the Diario de Yucatán (Mexico), Eduardo Huchim summarizes the Mouriño scandal under the heading “A Zombie [Dead Man Walking?] in Government Affairs?”

I have chosen the op-ed/news analysis more or less at random. Trying to catch up on the basic facts in the case.  See also

on Mexican versions of the famous Italian Mani Puliti campaign.

Es difícil analizar en sus estrictos méritos un escándalo como el que tiene en su centro al todavía secretario de Gobernación, Juan Camilo Mouriño Terrazo, y en su génesis a Andrés Manuel López Obrador. El hecho de que éste haya dado a conocer el presunto tráfico de influencias basta para tenerlo como verdad revelada para unos y como mentira dolosamente inventada para otros, así de polarizadas continúan grandes porciones de la sociedad. Sin embargo, conviene intentar ese análisis, y una buena manera de hacerlo es examinar los datos duros. Veamos:.

It is difficult to analyze a scandal like the one with Secretary of the Interior Mouriño at its center strictly on the merits, or the origins of the scandal with [former presidential candidate and federal district governor] López Obrador. The fact that it was López who publicized alleged influence-peddling by the cabinet secretary is enough for some people to accept the charges as gospel truth and for others to treat it as a fraudulent lie, because broad sectors Mexican society remain polarized. However, it is worthwhile to at least attempt  such an analysis, looking at the hard facts. Let’s look:

1) En su carácter de apoderado de Ivancar, Mouriño firmó con Pemex contratos que beneficiaban a una empresa de su familia, y cuando lo hizo era, simultáneamente, presidente de la Comisión de Energía de la Cámara de Diputados o asesor del entonces secretario de Energía, Felipe Calderón Hinojosa. La autenticidad de los contratos está fuera de duda porque el propio Mouriño la reconoció públicamente.

1. In his capapcity as legal representative of Ivancar, Mouriño signed contracts with Pemex that benefited a firm belonging to his own family, at a time when he was also president of the energy committee in the lower house of Congress or an aide to then Energy Secretary Felipe Calderón. These contracts are unquestionably authentic, and Mouriño himself has recognized this publicly.

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Colombia: Trial of Drug-Running Drug Warrior Begins

Why does a dog wag its tail? Because a dog is smarter than its tail. If the tail was smarter, the tail would wag the dog.

According to investigations, the retired general, with the help of his nephew, former prosecutor Leobardo Latorre, who faces charges in the same case, laundered at least 2 billion mafia pesos through Perímetro Ltda. and the Merecure ecolological park, located in the eastern plains.

Llaman a juicio a General (r) Pauselino Latorre, por narcotráfico y lavado de activos: EL TIEMPO reports on the trial of Gen. Latorre on money-laundering and narcotrafficking charges.

Latorre is the former head of Colombian military intelligence.

Apparently we American taxpayers are not giving these valiant Colombian drug warriors enough money to fight the war on drugs for us.

Isn’t it Colombian army intelligence that is now screaming that the FARC are the biggest narcoterrorists in the neighborhood?

The “wag the dog” scenario is being mentioned from time to time. Whenever the probity of the patriotic forces is questioned, they rise up to purge the nation of some vast and spooky threat, be they narco-Satanists or the narco-FARC!

Latorre, ex comandante de Inteligencia del Ejército, tendrá que responder ante un juez especializado por su supuesta participación en una red que sacaba del país 10 toneladas de droga mensuales.

Latorre, former head of Army Intelligence, will have to answer to a special court for his alleged involvement in a network that sent 10 tons of [Bolivian marching powder] of the country every month. 

Según la Fiscalía, Pauselino Latorre conformó empresas que sirvieron para articular al sistema financiero dineros procedentes del narcotráfico.

 According to prosecutors, Latorre founded companies that were used to move narcotrafficking revenues into the formal financial system.

Con ello, anotó la fiscal del caso, “se garantizaba la permanencia de la organización, la financiación de nuevos envíos de droga al exterior y la preservación de bienes conseguidos con el comercio de la cocaína”.

With that, the prosecutor on the case noted, “the organization guaranteed its continuance, the financing of new drug shipments abroad and the preservation of assets obtained from selling cocaine.

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Rio: “Big Dogs Barking Had Their Shots”

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From the Small Arms Survey 2007 study: “Quantity of shells seized per neighborhood.” Areas with “strong presence of criminal faction” marked in red. Are militia groups counted as “criminal factions”?

Colecionador empresta armas para milicianos: Extra (Rio de Janeiro) reports that a prison guard and registered military weapons collector supplied assault weapons to an extortion-protection racket (a “militia”) run by policemen.

There was a fascinating study last year, as part of the annual Small Arms Survey, that tried to establish the provenance of cartridges picked up at the scenes of gun battles in the city involving “weapons reserved for military (and police) use.”

Three hypotheses were explored: That the ammo was being reimported from legitimate exports, that the ammo was coming from registered gun collectors, and (most likely, given the evidence at hand) that it was being sold out of military and police armories. See

The militia phenomenon is something I try to clip as much news on as possible.

Call me crazy, but the idea that some of the cops might be criminals — of the kind found playing football with human heads, in some notorious cases — tends to worry me.

I do mean to try and live in this country, after all.

Rio – Registrado no Exército como colecionador de armas, o agente penitenciário Nelson Siqueira Gonçalves Filho é apontado em investigações como responsável por fornecer fuzis para a milícia que dominava cinco favelas em três bairros do Rio. Policiais da Subsecretaria de Inteligência, da Secretaria Nacional de Segurança Pública (Senasp), e o Ministério Público estadual revelam que o grupo – que comandava comunidades como a Palmeirinha, em Guadalupe – mantinha nas favelas pelo menos dois fuzis que pertenciam a Nelson Filho, que integraria um grupo de elite da Seap.

Registered with the Army as a weapons collector, prison guard Nelson Siqueira Gonçalves Filho is pointed to by police investigations as responsible for supplying assault rifles to a militia that dominated five shantytowns in three Rio neighborhoods. Agents from the intelligence directorate of the state [judicial] police, the national public security secretary [Senasp] and the state prosecutor’s office reveal that the group, which commanded communities like Palmeirinha, in Guadalupe, kept at least two assault rifles belonging to Nelson in the communities. Nelson is said to be a member of an elite unit at SEAP, the state prison department.

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Moral Panic Notes: Further on the Great Yellow Jack Attack of 2008

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Jornal do Trem: Cheerfully amateurish little free weekly covers the Great “Yellow Jack is Back!” Panic of 2008. “On the wings of the fever: “Authorities try to contain the alarm of the population which fears a general epidemic of yellow fever.”

Moral crusades advance claims about both the gravity and incidence of a particular problem. They typically rely on horror stories and “atrocity tales” about victims in which the most shocking exemplars of victimization are described and typified. Casting the problem in highly dramatic terms by recounting the plight of highly traumatized victims is intended to alarm the public and policy makers and justify draconian solutions. At the same time, inflated claims are made about the magnitude of the problem. A key feature of many moral crusades is that the imputed scale of a problem … far exceeds what is warranted by the available evidence. — Ronald Weitzer, “The Social Construction of Sex Trafficking: Ideology and Institutionalization of a Moral Crusade,” Politics Society 2007; 35; 447

Too often, it is the media-created event to which people respond rather than the objective situation itself, as was the case when media provoked anxiety resulted in massive public rejection of food products reported as potentially related to an outbreak. Development of new approaches in mass communication, most recently the Internet, increase the ability to enhance outbreaks through communication. –Boss, Leslie P., “Epidemic Hysteria: A Review of the Published Literature” in Epidemiologic Reviews, Vol. 19, No. 2.

Ministério diz que 31 pessoas estão internadas por superdosagem (G1/Globo, Brazil): The Ministry of Health warns of ill effects from taking unnecesary doses of yellow fever vaccine. Cases of “overdose” has hospitalized 31, it announces.

Coverage of the yellow fever “outbreak” provides yet another case study in the propensity of the major Brazilian news media for “moral panic” journalism.

It was interesting to compare coverage of this health alert, for example, with the coverage of risk assessments of an energy shortage, caused by low rainfall and consequent depletion this year by the likes of Globo’s Miriam Leitão on GloboNews the other evening.

Leitão, on her program teaser: “The government says there is no risk of rolling blackouts. But that’s not true!”

“The government lies about everything!”

But as far as I can tell — and you have to dig critically on your own to get a fair picture of the situation — the government is not saying there is no risk of blackout. No risk manager in their right would ever say there is absolutely no risk of anything. Leitão seems to be engaging in a cheap straw-man argument. As usual.

The goddamn gummint, as far as I can see, is saying that it finds that the risk of blackouts are within its target parameters in some regions, but higher than its target parameters in some areas, and that it is using these assessments to decided whether or not, and when, to turn on the supplementary generation capacity offered by a network of fossil fuel-powered plants.

There have been some interesting articles on alternative analyses of the situation — most of them reflecting the point of view of industries who see their fuel and energy costs rise when cogeneration plants add demand to the market.

Legitimate analyses to consider, so long as they parties sponsoring them are identified and their stake in the game is made clear. These are parties that stand to lose more if risks materialize, and so are understandably in favor of tighter risk margins.
But in the end, we simply ignored the Leitão teaser and did not watch the show.

Miriam Leitão, we tend to find, does not know what the hell she is talking about, or care to know, but tends to screech her opinions very loudly into the gazillion jigawatt megaphone anyway. Like some sort of human cockatoo. See, for example,

Uncle Hugo did not win the referendum.

Ecce Globo. Which is not to say that there are not signs of intelligent life at the Organizações Capivara. This yellow fever FAQ from the G1 news portal, for example, seems reasonably well done.

I really think keeping a close eye on the original reporting that G1 produces — as opposed to the toxic content it merely aggregates and recycles — provides a useful indicator of the future direction of Globo journalism.

I think the people doing that sort of work on the Globo news portal should probably be given TV programs and newspapers to run, once Globo fires Ali Kamel (and Miriam Leitão) with extreme prejudice.

In the meantime, I thought the funky little free paper they hand out to commuters on CPTM commuter line here in São Paulo illustrated both the positive and negative tendencies of press coverage of the yellow fever panic here rather neatly.

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Mexico: Aristegui Summarily Ratfinked For Refusal to Cede Editorial Independence

The abrupt departure of Aristegui comes at a moment when her program enjoys some of the highest ratings in Mexico City, according to the INRA ratings agency, and one of the highest levels of credibility, due to her critical, consistent and pluralistic news coverage.

Por “incompatibilidad editorial”, WRadio suspende el contrato a Carmen Aristegui: Proceso (Mexico) reports that CNN and W Radio journalist Carmen Aristegui has been fired by W Radio and its owner, the Spanish Prisa group.

Aristegui broke the Hildebrando117 story during the Mexican elections of 2006, among other things. See

As far as I can see, she is about the only thing still worth watching on the Dobbs-Blitzer network, in any language.

-Después de cinco años de estar al frente de la conducción y dirección informativa del matutino, la periodista fue informada de manera sorpresiva por los directivos de la estación que el contrato anual entre ella y WRadio no sería renovado, a menos de que aceptara ceder en materia de autonomía editorial

After five years editing and hosting the morning show, the journalist was informed in an unexpected manner by station management that her year-to-year contract with W Radio would not be renewed unless she accepted ceding editorial independence.

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Globo: “Colonel Blotto Has Mystical Powers”


The Brazilian mass media systematically promotes magical thinking. The Grupo Abril’s Veja magazine covers the iPhone, January 2007: “It’s like magic!” In June 2007, as the gizmo launched, Steve Jobs calls it “a magical product.” If you think that’s a coincidence, I have a bridge you might like to take a look at. Photocredit: Fotoagência NMM(-TV)SNB(B)CNN(P)BS-Tabajara. That is to say, I snapped it at the local padaria myself.

Rumor is both a process of information dissemination and a process of interpretation and commentary. Shibutani conceives of rumor as a collective activity that tries to make sense of unexplained events, but insists that it depends on two necessary conditions: The importance of the information and its ambiguity.“Rumors: Voices That Insinuate”

Mass hysteria and stupidity can make a real difference to a business’ bottom line. … –Rhymer Rigby. “Craze Management.” Management Today. London: Jun 1998. p. 58

“I do not use a crystal ball, God does not whisper in my ear, and my predictions may turn out wrong. What I do is science, there is no mystery to it. I am not Nostradamus,” said the professor. But the influence of the man who — despite his protests — is indeed compared to Nostradamus, extends to the Oval Office of the White House. What he tells Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice — with whom he has just finished co-authoring a book — is often taken into account by President George W. Bush.

Novo Nostradamus prevê um milagre latino-americano (G1/Jornal do Globo): “‘New Nostradamus’ foresees a Latin American Miracle.”

The first thing that we can observe about this piece is its use of a standard Globo parajournalistic gambit: Ventriloquism.

The man is quoted on the record here as saying “I am not some Nostradamus.”

Globo begs to differ.

The headline characterizes him as “The New Nostradamus.” Between quotation marks, as though someone in the article were quoted on the record as describing him as that.

No one is. [Cue spooky theremin music.] Globo is apparently channeling invisible voices from The Beyond.

See also

Psychiatrist (emphatically): [Between ‘nature’ and ‘nurture,’] “environment is the most significant factor” in determining corrupt behavior. Globo studio host: “According to our expert, corrupt persons are born! Not made!”

My bedside reading for a week or so now has been As Vidas de Chico Xavier (2003) by Marcel Souto Maior, a “journalist” and producer for Rede Globo’s aptly-named Sunday infotainment magazine Fantástico.

The portrait of the legendary psychographer from rural Minas Gerais, whom first TV Tupi and later the Globo network turned into a mass-media celebrity in the 1970s and 1980s, will be the subject of a biopic to be released this year.

“Dueling nonsense” cage-matches, pitting the spiritualist followers of Chico and Alan Kardec against Padre Quevedo of CLAP (the Latin American Parapsychology Center), became a staple of “auditorium shows” like the infamous Ratinho, and later, of Fantástico.

See

About Souto Maior’s book and its journalistic bona fides, suffice it to say that the vast majority of sources cited in its bibliography are official publications of the very same “spiritualist” foundations that have promoted the cult of Chico.

Foundations that were founded and supported, in large part, by the royalties on the hundreds of titles “downloaded from the Other Side” by the prolific “automatic writer,” Chico Xavier.

It is little more than a massive, tacitly authorized plagiarism of the press release — the NMM technical term for this is “autohagiography by proxy” — in other words. Ecce Globo.

Souto Maior has simply boiled down the vast hagiographical literature on the man into a digestible literary format, with a thin veneer of journalistic due diligence. He has since produced two other books on the Xavier legend, Piercing the Veil of Isis (2004) and The Lessons of Chico Xavier (2005).

Chico became a huge celebrity, with national prestige built up with celebrity testimonials as to the authenticity of his direct communication with the Beyond. A senior Globo executive is cited in the book as one of his sincerest devotees.

Globo has shown a remarkable commitment to promoting magical thinking over the years — except when it is hysterically debunking charlatanism.

In an astonishing case we saw this year, having to do with a debate over commercial claims about the medically useful properties — or lack thereof — of biomagnetism, we saw how Fantástico has at various times treated the phenomenon as (1) “a mysterious and powerful Oriental practice [cue vaguely Asian-sounding mystical angular banjos] that is a hot, hot trend among American professional athletes” and [2] as a cheap con game on a par with street-level loan sharking and hookers who lure drunken sailors into alleys to be rolled.

With a straight face. See

This profile of an eminent American game theorist is no exception.

Lá na Bíblia, são inúmeros os relatos de profecias; ainda hoje, o mundo discute o valor de profecias feitas no século XVI por um francês chamando Nostradamus.

In the Bible, there are countless stories of prophecy; even today, the world is still debating the validity of prophecies made in the 16th century by a Frenchman named Nostradamus.

Mas é possível prever o futuro através de equações matemáticas, sem um poder adivinhatório? Um pesquisador da universidade de Stanford diz que sim.

But is it possible to foresee the future using mathematical equations, without using any powers of divination? A researcher from the University of Stanford says it is.

The researcher in question in an NYU political scientist with a fellowship at the Hoover Institute there at the Leland Stanford Junior Farm.

His forthcoming book, as listed on his faculty profile:

Forecasting Policy Futures and The Logic of Political Survival, with Alastair Smith, Randolph M. Siverson and James D. Morrow.

The man appears to be a standard, respectable and experienced RAND Corporation player of n-dimensional Prisoner’s Dilemma and Colonel Blotto games — and as such, is certainly not making the claim Globo attributes to him.

1) Aproxima-se um milagre econômico na América Latina.

1. An economic miracle in Latin America is coming.

2) Hugo Chávez não será o novo Fidel Castro: em breve, deixará a presidência da Venezuela.

2. Chávez will not become the new Fidel Castro; he will soon leave the presidency of Venezuela.

Essas não são afirmações psicografadas, não apareceram nos búzios nem em bola de cristal; também não são a mera opinião de um iluminado professor americano.

These are not the results of pyschographic communications; they are not read from scattered cowrie shells or in a crystal ball; nor are they the mere opinions of an enlightened American professor.

Bruce Bueno de Mesquita – que, apesar do nome, só tem parentes distantes no Brasil – é professor das universidades de Stanford e de Nova York, e faz previsões com base numa série de equações matemáticas desenvolvidas ao longo de 30 anos.

Bruce Bueno de Mesquita — who despite the name has only distant relative in Brazil — is a Stanford and [NYU] professor who makes predictions based on mathematical equations developed over the course of three decades.

The Mesquita clan owns the Estado de S. Paulo media group (while Eduardo Bueno is an anchorman on the GloboNews 24-hour news channel — which is far from being the network’s worst offering, by the way. The weather report and market updates, at least, are perfectly reliable. Which is a start, at least.)

Equações
Equations

Longas matrizes respondem às perguntas feitas pelo cientista. De acordo com a CIA, Bruce Bueno de Mesquita e seu programa de computador acertam 90% das previsões.

Complicated equations respond to the questions put to them by the scientist. According to the CIA, Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and his computer program are right in 90% of their predictions.

According to whom at the CIA? Did they download this information off the Web site or does Globo have CIA sources in Brazil that it talks to? Who set this interview up, anyway?

“Não uso bola de cristal, Deus não fala nos meus ouvidos e minhas previsões podem dar errado. O que faço é ciência, não é algo misterioso. Eu não sou Nostradamus”, diz o professor.

“I do not use a crystal ball, God does not whisper in my ear, and my predictions may turn out wrong. What I do is science, there is no mystery to it. I am not Nostradamus,” said the professor.

A influência daquele que – mesmo sob protestos – é, sim, comparado a Nostradamus se estende ao salão oval da Casa Branca. O que ele diz à secretaria de Estado, Condoleezza Rice – com quem acaba de escrever um livro – costuma ser levado em conta pelo presidente George W. Bush.

But his influence of the man who — despite his protests — is indeed compared to Nostradamus extends to the Oval Office of the White House. What he tells Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice — with whom he has just finished co-authoring a book — is often taken into account by President George W. Bush.

Compared to Nostradamus by whom?

Did he predict that the Iraq War would pay for itself, or provide backing for the Rice-Rumsfeld “mushroom cloud” risk assessment on Iraqi WMD? Those predictions turned out to be 99.9% wrong, after all.

An idle bet: The predictions of this highly reputable, veteran risk-assessment nerd were likely most often ignored by the faith-based Dubya.

Condi was the first woman Provost of Stanford — birthplace of “innovation journalism” — from 1993-1999.

O matemático, assim como o personagem do filme “Uma mente brilhante” [sic], baseia-se num conjunto de premissas e equações conhecidas como Teoria dos Jogos. Há mais de 60 anos, os criadores da teoria concluíram que qualquer fato pode ser traduzido em números, desde que seja feita uma coleta de dados precisa e que todas as informações que podem influir sobre um determinado cenário sejam levadas em conta.

The mathematician, just like the character in the film A Beautiful Mind, bases his work on a set of premises and equations known as Game Theory. More than 60 years, the creators of this theory concluded that any fact can be translated into numbers, as long as precise data is collected, and that all the information that can possibly influence a given scenario is taken into account.
A standard “life imitates art imititing life” topos from Globo. The film A Beautiful Mind was based on a real-life mathematician. Slightly grammar-challenged IMDB amateur gist:
A biopic of the meteoric rise of John Forbes Nash Jr., a math prodigy able to solve problems that baffled the greatest of minds. And how he overcame years of suffering through schizophrenia to win the Nobel Prize.

Hopefully Bruce does not suffer from the same malady.

One recalls another fictional character whose suffering from the same malady posed certain (fictional) game-theoretical risks to the survival of the human race:


“Cut to: int. Burleson AFB, Ripper’s office. Mandrake examines a notepad on Ripper’s desk. It is covered with doodles and an interlocking pattern of the words Peace On Earth, and Purity Of Essence.”

Bruce explica que a ciência está em criar valores para fatos, instituições e indivíduos, como fez recentemente com o presidente da Venezuela. “Eu já transformei Chávez em números. Fiz uma análise recentemente que mostra que vai haver um aumento no nível de democracia na Venezuela a partir de 2008”, prevê. Os cálculos do matemático indicam que Hugo Chávez teria apenas duas alternativas: “ou ele entrega o poder candidamente ou foge do país pra escapar da prisão”.

Bruce explains that science consists in assigning [numerical] values to facts, institutions and individuals, as he did recently with the president of Venezuela. “I transformed Chávez into numbers. I did an analysis recently which shows that there is going to be an increase in the level of democracy in Venezuela starting in 2008,” he predicts. The mathematical calculations indicate that Chávez might have only two options: “Either he straightforwardly [hands over, surrenders, devolves, cedes] power or he flees the country to escape jail.”

There is a translation I would like to check.

On a similar analysis, which does not, however, necessarily foresee a premature departure from office of the Boliviarian Blowhard, only a more restrained and decorous role for the Blowhard Presidency in the overall jogo político, see

Baduel, of course, is basing this, not on back of the envelope calculations, but on a gut-check about his own ability to influence events in that direction. Interesting guy, Baduel.

Banana-republican strong presidentialism, as we unfortunately all now know from personal gringo experience, having the track record it has.

As equações matemáticas anunciam também um futuro com menos populismo, mais democracia e menos corrupção nos países da América Latina. Independentemente de partido político, os governos tenderiam a ser cada vez mais democráticos.

The mathematical equations also foretell a future with less populism, more democracy and less corruption in Latin America. Regardless of political party, governments will tend to be increasingly democratic.

Se não houver imprevistos e forem confirmadas as previsões do matemático se confirmarem, veríamos, em breve, um milagre econômico na América Latina. “Acho que assim como aconteceu o milagre asiático, vai haver o milagre latino-americano. A América Latina vai ser a região mais dinâmica do mundo nos próximos dez a 20 anos por causa da melhora na administração pública – que melhora tudo: libera as pessoas para fazerem novos empreendimentos, atrai investimentos, e grandes coisas acontecem”, afirma.

Barring unforeseen events and if the mathematician’s predictions are confirmed, we would shortly see an economic miracle in Latin American.”I think that just as you had the Asian miracle, there will be a Latin American mircale. Latin America will be the most dynamic region in the world in the next 20 years because of improvements in public administration — which improves everything: It freeds people up to start new enterprises, it attracts investments, and great things happen,” he says.

I share that general theory — though of course I am no eminent rocket scientist — and I hope it turns out to be true.

I do like these Latin Americans — I am related by marriage now to a bewildering variety of them — and am moved by their determination to recover from the bad old days of banana-republicanism.

An example of “administrative improvements” in the Brazililan news recently: The federal Supersimples plan for this year, which gives businesses the option of joining a “flat tax” tax-consolidationn plan, instead of the insanely incomprehensible alphabet soup of “traditional” taxes on small businesses, with many advantages touted. The theory being the government will attract more small businesses into “the formality” — the formal economy as opposed to the Great Sino-Paraguayan Silk Road — this way. It will be an interesting business-nerd story to watch. I hope it works out.

We have also experienced the “Poupa-Tempo” bureaucracy-reduction initiative here in Sampa at first hand, and, much to my surprise, at least, in my own dealings with Kafkaesque bureaus, found not much more patience-straining absurdity than back in Brooklyn in most cases. I actually managed to get things done. It still takes forever and is insanely complicated, but now there are people there who explain it to you, courteously, in simple Portuguese.

Which I take as a good sign: Sampa is an opposition stronghold, but between the current federal government and some of the major opposition strongholds you actually seem to have the stirrings of virtuous political competition based on who can measurably get the most demonstrably useful stuff done.

If Serra, with an eye on the presidency, actually completes the Rodoanel, for example, and delivers lower tolls, how can you complain? Even if you are a diehard devotee of Lula lá.

I mean, who is actually for the current state of São Paulo traffic engineering?

Traffic here is — almost literally — murder.

As I always say, it would be comforting to be able to think that of the leading candidates, none of them is very likely to flush the whole thing down the crapper if they win. (I am not sure I feel that way about the upcoming municipal election, though.)

Which is the basis of my qualified editorial policy of political neutrality down here — I do not vote, but I do pay taxes; therefore I do not endorse political parties, but I do root for the responsible adults to prevail over the Moonies, regardless of party affiliation.

Globo being a gazillion-jigawatt megaphone dedicated to gabbling Moonism, quite often.

Será apenas otimismo ou puro matemática? “É otimismo baseado em matemática, baseado na lógica sobre quais são as conseqüências das escolhas que as pessoas fazem”.

[tktktktktk]

Brazil: “Cisco Is Not the Only Firm in Boiling Crisco With the Fisco”

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“Exemption from IPI for independent cabbies buying cars manufactured in Brazil after having suffered a UFO-related amputation of at least one finger” –the list of Brazilian tax forms available for download (in the Open Document Format) is longer than War and Peace. It sometimes seems like.

The preliminary findings show the gross tax gap — which is the difference between what taxpayers should pay and what they actually pay on a timely basis — exceeds $300 billion per year. The results indicate the nation’s tax gap increased slightly to between $312 billion and $353 billion in tax year 2001. –IRS, 2005

“The Stalinist dictatorship of the tax man is coming, just you wait and see” –slightly scary drunk guy in recent NMM boteco conversation, São Paulo, Brazil

Don’t ask me what I want it for (ah-ah, Mister Wilson)
If you don’t want to pay some more (ah-ah, Mister Heath)
‘Cause I’m the taxman,
Yeah, I’m the taxman.

–The Beatles, “Taxman”

Receita inicia devassa no uso de cartões corporativos: “Crackdown on use of corporate credit cards.”

And a merry Christmas to you, too, Brazilian IRS!

Em uma ofensiva à sonegação envolvendo benefícios indiretos pagos por corporações (os chamados “fringe benefits”), a Receita Federal iniciou uma devassa em grandes empresas de São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro e Distrito Federal para investigar o uso indevido de cartões corporativos.

In an offensive against tax evasion involving “fringe benefits” paid by corporations, the Brazilian federal tax authority is launching a wave of audits of large corporations in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and the Federal District in order to investigate the improper use of corporate credit cards.

Free beer for the first reader to discover a comment from a Brazilian reader claiming that “in civilized nations, like the United States, this sort of thing is not criminalized.”

Oh, but it is. And fringe benefits are taxed, too.

It sucks, it really does.

But what sucks even more is when a federal administration comes in from a party that constantly promised radical tax relief, and a good, thorough trimming of the bloated, inefficient federal bureaucracy — and then your taxes actually go up, in part to pay for the installation of a pointless Homeland Security bureaucracy.

We already have a Department of Defense, for crying out loud. What is it supposed to be defending, if not the patria amada?

Which is part of the reasons why the genuine, principled paleoconservatives — they are a pain in the ass, these people, but they do occasionally have a valid point — now want to impeach Cheney, among other things.
See also

No Estado de São Paulo, 38 estabelecimentos -inclusive multinacionais- já estão sob ação fiscal. No Distrito Federal, mais de 150 empresas estão sendo investigadas.

In São Paulo State, 38 business establishments — including multinationals — are being [audited without mercy.] In the federal district, 150 firms are being investigated.

And in Rio?

O uso do cartão corporativo para pagamento de salário indireto vem se disseminando entre os empregadores porque permite a redução de encargos e sonegação de impostos. A Receita não informa os setores e os nomes das empresas, sob o argumento de que estão protegidos pelo sigilo fiscal.

The use of a corporate credit card to pay indirect salary has become widespread recently among emploers, because it enables them to avoid mandatory contributions and taxes. The tax author did not report what sectors the companies are from, or their names, arguing this information is protected by banking privacy.

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Manhattan Connection: “Dantas Must Prove Bribery of Judge”

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“Factual discovery shall be complete by May 1, 2008.” International Equity Investments, Inc. v. Opportunity Equity Partners, Ltd., et ano., Lewis A. Kaplan, presiding for the District Court of the Southern District of New York; Date filed: 03/10/2005; Date of last filing: 12/13/2007

The folklore of corruption is good business — for the corrupt. –Elio Gaspari

“Extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence” –Carl Sagan

Item: EX-PRESIDENTE DO STJ DESAFIA DANTAS (“Former federal judge defies, challenges Dantas.”)

Justiça de Nova York fixou os prazos pelos quais julgará uma ação que o Citibank move contra o banqueiro brasileiro, Daniel Dantas. E uma das decisões do juiz Lewis Kaplan, da Justiça de Nova York, foi exigir que Dantas desse as provas para a acusação de que o Citibank subornou o Ministro Edson Vidigal, ex-presidente do Superior Tribunal de Justiça do Brasil (clique aqui para ler “Juiz de NY quer provas de suborno de Dantas”).

A New York court has set a trial date for Citibank’s lawsuit against Brazilian banker, Daniel Dantas. One of the rulings by judge Lewis Kaplan was that Dantas must furnish evidence for his accusation that Citibank bribed Justice Edson Vidigal, former justice of [the Tupi equivalent of our federal Circuit Court of Appeals, kind of.]

A British court found Dantas had fabricated evidence and perjured himself in a related lawsuit with a former business partner, originally adjudicated in the Caymans. This according to what I read fromm CartaCapital — also alleged victims of alleged Kroll wiretaps. (“Perjured” may not be the precise term — we are talking about an alien judicial system with periwigged judges undergirded by an absolute monarch, after all, and IANAL — but let us just say, generally speaking, in a lay sense, “stated nonexistent facts based on fabricated evidence.”)

I will translate the interview with Mr. Vidigal below.

Let me set the stage here: Conversa Afiada is the Web log of political journalist Paulo Henrique Amorim, who believes that he was among the journalists, business competitors, and government officials illegally wiretapped by Kroll, at the behest of banker Daniel Dantas of the Opportunity Group.

Dantas was fighting to maintain control of Brasil Telecom, over the objections of pension funds with seats on the board and against Hobbesian competition from Telecom Italia. Before he was removed from the board, he inserted a clause that permitted Harvard Law professor Roberto Mangabeira Unger to continue to represent his interests on the board as his proxy or some such thing.

This entire grand guignol, which makes the antics of the Hewlett-Packard boardroom dispute look like a giggling pillow fight in the freshman dorms at Radcliffe, has produced some astonishing moments in the malpractice of journalism.

Among the most astonishing was Veja magazine’s publication, in May 2006, of a dossier suggesting that the head of the Brazilian federal police and senior government officials — including the president of Brazil and a prominent opposition Senator who is a former head of the federal police — have Swiss bank accounts containing bribe money they were allegedly paid by the Italians to (1) unduly favor Dantas’ adversaries and competitors and (2) mount a massive conspiracy to frame the MIT-trained venture capitalist.

See also

It actually might be profitably compared in some ways to the so-called Clearstream II affair in France:

Prominent public personages. Bribe money in Swiss bank accounts. Phony dossiers. This soap-opera plot seems to have been globalized more thoroughly than Betty La Fea.

Firms controlled by Dantas were the largest depositors in the account of DNA Propaganda, focus of investigations into the Belo Horizonte Baldy money-laundering and political slush-fund case.

The partners in DNA and related ad agencies face more than 700 criminal charges in the so-called “big monthly” and “big monthly of Minas Gerais” cases — which seem to me like they are actually one and the same vast, ongoing funny-money maractuia, their separation into two cases looking like something of a prosecutorial fiction.

Criminal charges related to laundering illegal private donations and public money into political slush funds.

On which see also

Veja justified running the “Swiss bank account dossier”story by saying that, while there many signs that the “dossier” might be inauthentic — it did not tell us what those were — it nevertheless found the story plausible. See

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Mexico: Chinese Whispers on Fox Exposé?

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The El U cover story in question. Source: Proceso No. 1621, November 25, 2007, p. 7 [as far as I can figure: The PDF is a bit garbled.]

Chinese whispers or Telephone is a game in which each successive participant secretly whispers to the next a phrase or sentence whispered to them by the preceding participant. Cumulative errors from mishearing often result in the sentence heard by the last player differing greatly and amusingly from the one uttered by the first. It is most often played by children as a party game or in the playground. It is often invoked as a metaphor for cumulative error, especially the inaccuracies of rumours.

La versión desmentida (Proceso, Mexico): El Universal (Mexico) runs a front-page story with a “sneak preview” of a forthcoming book, an insider account of the political dirty wars in Mexico in the run-up to the 2006 election.

Sort of a Mexican version of Scott McClellan‘s forthcoming (April) tell-all book on the Bush White House, “What Happened.”

American politics and Mexican politics get more and more similar. No disrespect to the suffering people of Mexico, but as an American, I find this sort of alarming. Don’t you?

Imagine if the “reality-based community” conversation, as reported by Ron Suskind in The New York Times Magazine, never actually took place:

The aide said that guys like me were “in what we call the reality-based community,” which he defined as people who “believe that solutions emerge from your judicious study of discernible reality.” … “That’s not the way the world really works anymore,” he continued. “We’re an empire now, and when we act, we create our own reality. And while you’re studying that reality—judiciously, as you will—we’ll act again, creating other new realities, which you can study too, and that’s how things will sort out. We’re history’s actors…and you, all of you, will be left to just study what we do.

Or rather, imagine that Newsweek reported that The Magazine had reported that conversation, when Suskind never actually reported that it took place, on the record, in The Magazine.

Or imagine Newsweek reporting both that The Magazine had, and that it had not, reported that.

File under “journalism fails to imitate literature imitating life” and “the Rashomon effect.”

El Universal was criticized earlier this year for running what it claimed was an e-mail from Zhenli Ye Gon (the DEA’s “man behind the meth”) to his friends and associates, without citing its source or explaining how it established its authenticity. See

I never did get a clear idea of the paper’s response to that flap. I should go back and research that.
It reminds one of the “smoking gun” letter in the Rathergate affair that caused such headaches for CBS and 60 Minutes, and will now be litigated by Rather, who lost his job over the affair.

The CBS news team was accused of not doing the due diligence on a document, attributed to an eyewitness who is now dead, which claimed that Dubya benefited from his family connections in getting out of going to Vietnam.

El viernes 23 el diario El Universal sorprendió a sus lectores al publicar una nota, firmada por los reporteros José Luis Ruiz y David Aponte, con supuestos detalles de un capítulo por adelantado del libro La diferencia. Radiografía de un sexenio, escrito por el excanciller Jorge Castañeda y el exvocero presidencial Rubén Aguilar.

On November 23, El Universal suprised its readers with an article, bylined to José Luis Ruiz and David Aponte, that supposedly contains details of a chapter from the book “The Difference: X-Ray of a Presidential Administration,” written by former foreign secretary and former presidential spokesman Rubén Aguilar.

La nota, que abarcó cinco de las seis columnas de primera plana de ese periódico, señalaba que el libro da cuenta de cómo en el sexenio pasado el presidente Vicente Fox intentó negociar con el jefe de Gobierno de la Ciudad de México, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, el juicio de desafuero emprendido en contra de este último.

The article, which occupied five of the six columns on the front page, claims that book describe how, during the Fox administration, Vicente Fox tried to negotiate with the governor of the Federal District, López Obrador, over the impeachment proceedings against the latter.

Y afirma que López Obrador le soltó un cortante “no” a Fox. “¡Lástima!”, diría el presidente. La nota sostiene que el contacto con el tabasqueño se hizo mediante un intermediario: José Agustín Ortiz Pinchetti, quien fue secretario de Gobierno del Distrito Federal durante la administración lopezobradorista.

It states that López issued a crisp, cutting “no” to Fox. “Too bad!” the president reportedly said. The article maintains that the contact with the Tabasco politician was made through an intermediary, José Agustín Ortiz Pinchetti, who was a member of the Federal District cabinent during the López Obrador administration.

Sin embargo, en la noche del mismo día el Grupo Editorial Random House Mondadori desmintió a El Universal. El pasaje en el que supuestamente López Obrador dice “no” y Fox responde “¡lástima!”, afirmó la casa editora en un comunicado, no existe en el libro de Castañeda y Aguilar.

However, that same day, in the evening, the book’s publisher, Random House Mondadori, denied the El Universal story.

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Costa Rican Free-Trade Beancounting: Preliminary Cases


“Workers required by employers to record themselves voting yes, despite ban on photographic equipment in voting booths,” says NO campaign. That is, “prove you voted yes, or lose your job.” Documented cases, but no investigation into exactly how frequent or common this practice might have been that I have found yet. In Brazil, this is known as the voto do cabresto. Nullification petitions in such cases, and TSE resolutions here. The TSE has now officially ratified the result. Studying.

TSE has virtually eliminated fraud with citizen identification cards that incorporate electronic images and biometric information. –Unisys customer case study for Costa Rica’s TSE

The political and black-propaganda aspects of the affair aside, the Costa Rican free trade referendum presents us with some beancounting lore that has some intrinsic interest, qua beancounting, I think.

The Costa Rican elections tribunal, the TSE, has now ruled on cases of alleged fraud and irregularities and certified the results of the referendum. All complaints were filed by election observers of the PAC, the party of Otton Sólis, a leading NO proponent.

NO proponents are saying that fraud, vote-buying, coercion, and other corruptions of the process were rampant, while oversight was nonexistent and the TSE intransigent in its refusal to properly investigate such allegations.

On which more later. The University of Costa Rica statistics department’s report on the 2006 election concluded — phrased more diplomatically, of course — that the nation’s elections system had failed once again to produce fully credible results. Although, weirdly, it seemed to want to praise it for making progress toward generating less implausible results.

The publication of widely disparate poll results prior to the voting — one or more of them indicating a “technical tie” — is often correlated with, and show be taken as one risk indicator for, election fraud, according to experts I have been reading. And that is exactly what happened in this case, throwing a flag for a more detailed audit of the process.

The poll that showed a technical tie was prepared by a firm that lists the presidency of Costa Rica — and Chiquita Brands — as market research clients. The poll that showed a 12% advantage for NO does not list its clientele, but says it is part of the Research International network.

So anyway, I am starting to read some of the cases published by the Costa Rican TSE to see if there is anything in there that might advance the the global state of knowledge on how to count things — such as cookies, ducks or votes — beyond the traditional “see and say” approach propounded by Count von Count.

Observers of the 2006 national elections in Mexico may experience a sense of deja vu, I think.

I wish we could convince UNAM’s John Ackerman, who authored some of the clearest analysis of the abject failure of beancounting controls in the Mexican election, and was a visible spokesman for the “vote by vote” movement there, to turn his attention to this case.

En escritos recibidos en la Secretaría de este Tribunal el 18 de octubre del 2007, el señor Edgar Ruiz Cordero, en su condición de fiscal del Partido Acción Ciudadana, interpuso demandas de nulidad de las Juntas Receptoras de Votos número 3815, 3945, 3999, 4000, 4034, 4040, 4077, 4136, 4378, 4543, 4545, 4548, 4558, 4559, 4691, 4733, 4803, 4886, 4890, 4904 y 4910, en cuyas actas de escrutinio se consignó que el Padrón-Registro aparecía en blanco, y contra las Juntas Receptoras de Votos número 2956, 3183, 3190, 3284, 3434, 3779, 3833, 3867, 3895, 3913, 3940, 4006, 4290, 4351, 4368, 4449, 4451, 4484, 4525, 4553, 4555, 4563, 4592, 4602, 4628, 4648, 4678, 4688, 4812, 4871, 4862 y 4920, en cuyas actas de escrutinio se consignó que el acta de cierre del Padrón-Registro aparecía en blanco.

In papers received by the clerk of this elections tribunal on October 18, 2007, Mr. Edgar Ruíz Cordero, in his capacity as elections monitor for the Citizen Action Party (PAC), demanded the nullification of Vote Reception Boards Nos. 3815, 3945, 3999, 4000, 4034, 4040, 4077, 4136, 4378, 4543, 4545, 4548, 4558, 4559, 4691, 4733, 4803, 4886, 4890, 4904 and 4910, in whose documentation it was observed that the voter-registration rolls were missing [or blank]; and against Vote Reception Boards Nos. 2956, 3183, 3190, 3284, 3434, 3779, 3833, 3867, 3895, 3913, 3940, 4006, 4290, 4351, 4368, 4449, 4451, 4484, 4525, 4553, 4555, 4563, 4592, 4602, 4628, 4648, 4678, 4688, 4812, 4871, 4862 and 4920, in whose documentation it was noted that the certification of the closure of the voter-registration rolls was missing or blank.

Alega que es imposible verificar que el número de votos escrutados corresponden al total de votantes que se presentaron, ya que ese aspecto se verifica en el Padrón-Registro lo que, en su criterio, provoca un vicio insubsanable, pues las papeletas escrutadas no pueden ser prueba de la manifestación de la voluntad del elector, en tanto no existe constancia documental de que los ciudadanos inscritos en el Padrón se presentaron a ejercer el voto, pues esa circunstancia se consigna en el Padrón Registro con la firma de cada ciudadano. Agrega que, una situación como la denunciada, provoca la nulidad de toda la junta, al no poder verificarse cual fue la manifestación de la voluntad popular del elector.

He alleges that it is impossible to verify that the number of votes counted corresponds to the total number of voters who presented themselves to vote, given that the voter-registration rolls are required in order to perform this check, and that in his judgement this creates an incurable defect in the process, because the ballots counted cannot be taken as reflecting the will of the voter unless it be documented that the citizens registered to vote actually presented themselves to vote, a fact that is reflected by the signature of each voter in the voter-registration rolls. He adds that a situation like the one charged must lead to the nullification of the entire results of that board, since it cannot be verified that the vote count corresponds the popular will.

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São Paulo: “Abril Consolidates Distribution Channels”


The Editora Abril: A media monopoly dedicated to the art of the gabbling ratfink. “The Authoritarian Temptation: The PT’s attempts to monitor and control the press, television and culture.” Translation: “Dilma could decide those zero-down spectrum concessions we got were the fruit of a skeevy plundering of the commonwealth! Bork her with all you’ve got!

The Brazilian journalist does not feel free to write. More than just having to follow the editorial line of the publications they work for, the complaints principally have to do with coercion by political or business groups. –“A Profile of the Brazilian Journalist”

“They think that Abril supports Cardoso’s plan of government. They have it wrong. It is not Abril who supports Cardoso. It is Cardoso who supports Abril’s plan of government.” –attr. to Roberto Civita, Chairman and CEO, Grupo Abril

The object of life is not to be on the side of the majority, but to escape finding oneself in the ranks of the insane“ –Emperor Marcus Aurelius

The Blog do Rovai (UOL, Brazil) notes the effects of a local business deal involving control of distribution channels for print media in the largest city in South America.

Mr. Rovai edits Fórum magazine here.

One of these days, I am going to work up a systematic report on the banca (“newsstand”) business here in São Paulo.

I have glimpsed enough really peculiar goings-on, and conversed privately and circumspectly with enough proprietors of the curbside newspaper shacks, to think there might be a very interesting local business story here — something along the lines of a story Gary “Wall Street vs. America” Weiss once did about automobile repair shops in the outer boroughs of NYC, say.

One of the things that you notice right off, just from eyeballing the street scene here, is that the free buntings distributed to newsstands are generally either advertisements for Abril or for publications of the Editora Três, which puts out the IstoÉ titles. Abril propaganda tends to dominate, and Abril publications enjoy a much more prominent display.

In the meantime, the Editora Abril’s buyout of a local print distribution company is causing consternation among market observers and players.

Até quinta-feira passada (quando se oficializou a operação em questão) nenhuma das concorrentes de Veja operava com a distribuidora da Editora Abril, a Dinap. Época, Isto É e Carta Capital tinham contratos com a Fernando Chinaglia. Por que isso acontecia? Seria apenas por “charminho” do Alzugaray, do Mino Carta e dos Marinhos?

Up until last Thursday (when the deal in question was finalized), none of Veja magazine’s competitors worked with the Editora Abril’s distributor, Dinap. Época, IstoÉ e CartaCapital magazines all had contracts with Fernando Chinaglia. So why did this happen [Abril’s purchase of the Chinaglia firm]? Just because Alzugaray, Carta and the Marinhos are charming guys?

De agora em diante, ficam à mercê dos interesses dos Civita. Qual o significado disso? Arrisco dizer que a primeira a sentir o impacto vai ser a Carta Capital. É só um chute, mas não sem mira.

From here on out, those publications are going to be at the mercy of Civita and his interests. What does it all mean. I would venture to guess that the first to feel the impact will be CartaCapital. Just a wild guess, but an educated one.

The panicked editor does need to take a deep breath and explain one thing to me, however: Just how much market concentration does this represent?

Give me a quick rundown on the shape and competitive dynamics of local distributors. Hard numbers, please.

 

A previous note on the deal:

Abril compra Fernando Chinaglia e monopoliza bancas (15/10/2007 15:25)

Abril buys Fernando Chinaglia and monopolizes newsstands.

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“Inspiration for Innovation”: Reading Brazil’s Época Negócios

Innovation is more than invention. An invention is something new, it can be done by a single person. Innovation is the introduction of something new, it always involves the interaction between several people. It is the process of creating and delivering new value on a market or in a community. Innovation journalism covers how innovation happens. –Wikipedia, “Innovation Journalism”

Invention: A non-obvious, novel and useful idea relating to a device or process that has been reduced to practice.

Invention, from the Latin invenire, to come upon: the discovery, whether accidental or deliberate, of the saint in its original burial place (loculus or cubiculum), leading to its veneration and possible translation.

Innovation: A novel, beneficial change in art or practice. –“Facilitating the Transfer of Rehabilitation Technology,” American Institutes for Research, 1989 (Glossary)

If I have seen further [than certain other men] it is by standing upon the shoulders of giants. –Isaac Newton, letter to Robert Hooke, February 5, 1675

Innovation violates tradition—attacks it in public and steals from it in private. –Mason Cooley

Two case studies in “innovation journalism” from Editora Globo’s Época Negócios magazine for October 2007.

See also

The first case is a secondary cover story — in the “books” sections, as it turns out — on globalization.

The cover copy reads:

“Is it a globalized world? Not really. In a provocative book, a Harvard professor warns: Strategies that bet blindly on an end to national borders may lead companies to disaster.”

That thought appears to have been prescient. See

More accurate would have been to write: “In a provocative book published 20 years ago, a Harvard professor URGED companies to bet blindly on an end to national borders.”

As it happens, a panel of the Harvard professor’s colleagues did hold a colloquium on the 20th anniversary of the publication of that book, concluding the book had had “very little predictive success.”

That panel was held in 2003. Four years ago.

Here, however, one searches in vain for mention of any other provocative book by a Harvard scholar, as announced on the cover. Much less a book new enough to merit a review in the magazine’s “books” column.

The only book by a Harvard professor mentioned during the first 2,000 to 3,000 words or so of the article in question is Theodore Levitt’s The Globalization of Markets.

When the article finally gets around to mentioning, on p. 150, a book it identifies only as Illusions of a Borderless World — which was indeed co-authored by a Harvard faculty member, along with a member of the faculty club at the Leland Stanford Junior farm — it omits to name the authors.

Much less mention their academic affiliation.

The actual discussion of the book — whose title, Who Controls the Internet? Illusions of a Borderless World, is not given in full — occupies less than a paragraph.

What you have, then, is a cover line announcing a review of a “provocative book” from the Harvard faculty, a book suggesting that Levitt’s predictions failed to pan out.

But when you go to read the article, the book to be reviewed is not mentioned until 2,000 or 3,000 words into the article. Its correct title is not given. Its authors are not named. Their academic affiliations are not idenfitied. The book is discussed in fewer than 100 words.

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Gazeta: “Tupi Tech is a Nervous Wreck”

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Will all subequatorial Cisco boxes go dark, bringing an abrupt and catastrophic end to the tropical Information Age? There are those who say so, but none of them seem willing to stake their credibility on the prediction by signing their name to it.

The investigations to come might will require all these companies to report on their pricing, taxes collected, logistics and other details to confirm or rule out information obtained during Operation Persona.

The Gazeta Mercantil (Brazil) corrects earlier reporting by InvestNews on the Cisco affair down here in Brazil.

The first part of the story is based on two anonymous sources, one of them promoting the (gabbling, I tend to think) Enron analogy — see also Cisco in Deep Crisco: “Could Be Another Enron!”

But it does finally get to what I think is probably the really burning question here: Who might be next to suffer a thorough borking from the tax man over illegal tax and tariff evasion practices?

How bad might it get? And for whom?

The really intriguing issue that remains for me, I think, rereading the press release from the feds on the case, is the case of the Panamanian law firm that, the feds made a point of charging, engages in a lot of irregular practices, not just in Brazil, but in the region.

And what Panama-based international lawfirm would that be anyway? You think maybe the fledgling Mercosul is already comparing notes?

I do think you see signs of some coordinated action already. Telefónica being challenged by regulators in other South American countries over its philosophy of customer service — “We’re the phone company. We don’t care. We don’t have to.” — for example …
Some excerpts:

SÃO PAULO, 18 de outubro de 2007 – Diferentemente do que foi publicado hoje na matéria “Caso Cisco deixa mercado de tecnologia apreensivo”, a Network1 não distribui os produtos da Cisco no Brasil, mas de concorrentes da multinacional americana. Segue abaixo texto corrigido:

Unlike what was published today in the article “Cisco case leaves tech market uneasy,” Network1 does not distribute Cisco products in Brazil, but rather the products of Cisco’s competitors. The corrected text follows:

Além de macular a imagem, quem fez compras da empresa teme não receber os produtos. O momento é de tensão para o mercado de telecomunicações. Todas as operadoras telefônicas fixas e celulares, call centers e empresas de internet em geral compram roteadores e sistemas de rede internet da Cisco Systems, envolvida na Operação Persona da Polícia Federal, que ontem prendeu 40 pessoas suspeitas de envolvimento em fraude fiscal, incluindo o presidente Pedro Ripper e o ex-presidente Carlos Roberto Carnevali. O volume da sonegação pode atingir R$ 1,5 bilhão, segundo a Polícia Federal.

Besides staining its public image, those who ordered from Cisco are afraid they will not get the products they ordered. It is a tense moment in the telecommunications market. All the fixed-line and cellular telephone operators, call centers and Internet providers in general buy routers and Internet systems from Cisco, which is involved in Operation Persona, in which 40 persons were arrested on suspicion of fraud, including Cisco Brasil president Ripper and former president Carnevali. …

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Cisco in Deep Crisco: The GZ’s Take


“Without it, life would be hell on earth.” Microtec advertisement, Veja magazine, issue 87. File under “the rhetoric of the technological sublime (RTS) in postmodern technology PR, Velvet Elvis tendency.”

The Gazeta Mercantil (Brazil) confirms it: The multinational tech giant whose Brazilian chief executive has been perp-walked for engaging in Sino-Paraguayan “quaint customs” — along with a number of federal tax authority officials who were bought off to let the scheme operate — is Cisco Systems.

Next task here: Evaluating Cisco’s crisis communications on the episode. And exploring the Cisco-MUDE “business ecosystem” to see what other fallout might be expected.

(October 20: Updated spot news on the case, in draft-quality translation:

In a paid ad in the Estado de S. Paulo yesterday, Cisco pointed out that only four of the 40 arrested in the case were Cisco employees, characterizing the case as mainly a “problem in our distribution channels.” Which is acctually not a completely absurd interpretation of the facts as we know them.)

The illegal import scheme described here, by the way, resembles the scheme of which the “Monkeyman” — primatologist van Roosmalen, the “martyr to science” — was accused: Importing video production equipment under the guise of a “donation” to a federal environmental agency, then reselling it to a Brazilian production company and passing the profits back to the foreign seller, avoiding import duties. See

The incident also reminds me of that interview that Roberto Civita gave to Knowledge@Wharton about a year ago in which, asked why Brazilian “investigative journalism” focuses exclusively on political corruption and rarely, if ever, on business corruption, replied that, in Brazil at least — “we are not yet as sophisticated here as you are in the United States” — corporate corruption in Brazil simply does not exist.

It is not primarily a matter of business corruption; it’s mainly a matter of corrupt public-private relationships. As far as I can recall, we have never had any exclusively corporate scandals.

This is a bit like saying that, in a case of a man who beats the snot out of his wife every night — or vice versa — that the problem here is “a dysfunctional relationship.”

Avoiding the question of agency. Whose fist connects with whose nose? The man’s consistent talking point on other occasions: It is government that corrupts the private sector, not the other way around.

You know the type: “All taxation is a form of government corruption!” In which case evading taxation — with representation or not — is a sacred duty of all true sons of liberty! The corrupt government will only waste it!

Not that these people do not have plenty of representation themselves, mind you … See

17 de Outubro de 2007 – Um mega-esquema de fraude na importação e distribuição de equipamentos de alta tecnologia para redes corporativas de internet e telecomunicações operado por uma multinacional líder no segmento no mercado mundial, a Cisco System, dos Estados Unidos, foi desarticulado ontem pela Polícia Federal (PF) e Receita Federal. Segundo estimativa dos órgãos, nos últimos cinco anos a Cisco e outra multinacional, a Mude, comandaram esquema que sonegou mais de R$ 1,5 bilhão em multa e tributos de importação que deveriam ter sido recolhidos aos cofres públicos.

A massive fraud scheme in the importation and distribution of high-tech equipment for corporate data and telecommunications networks, operated by Cisco Systems, was broken up yesterday by the feds and the tax authority. According to estimates from those two agenices, in the last five years, Cisco and another multinational, MUDE, commanded a scheme that avoided paying $1.5 billion in taxes and penalties into the public coffers.

Skipping some details we already have on file.

A PF pediu também o apoio da polícia americana para localizar e prender outros cinco executivos das duas empresas, que trabalham nos Estados Unidos. Foram aprendidos US$ 10 milhões em mercadorias nos endereços da Cisco e outros R$ 45 milhões de mercadorias junto à Mude – maior distribuidora dos produtos importados ilegalmente -, US$ 290 mil, R$ 240 mil em espécie e 18 automóveis de luxo.

The Brazilian feds also asked for support from American police in locating another five executives of the two firms, who work in the United States. Seized in the raids were US$10 million in merchandise from Cisco offices and another $45 million in merchandise from MUDE — the largest distributor of illegally imported products — along with US$290,00 and R$240,000 in cash and 18 luxury automobiles.

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“Sen. Brown Goes to Town on Schwab Job”

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Costa Rica’s TSE: still counting those ballots. Chain of custody issues to be looked at later.

Stupid freaking Brazilians, that don’t know how to vote properly” –President-General Figueiredo of Brazil on a spanking taken at the polls by ARENA, the party of the generalíssimos.

A gente não sabemos escolher presidente
A gente não sabemos tomar conta da gente
A gente não sabemos nem escovar os dentes
Tem gringo pensando que nóis é indigente
Inútil
A gente somos inútil
–Korzus (Brazil), “Inútil (Useless)”, from Mass Illusion

Yes, nós temos bananas
Bananas pra dar e vender
Banana menina
Tem vitamina
Banana engorda e faz crescer
Alberto Ribeiro and João de Barro

YouTube reproduces a floor speech by Ohio’s Senator Brown in which the disheveled heartland heartthrob with the Yale B.A. describes the FUD strategy used in the recent Costa Rican referendum, as well as the astonishing “arm-twisting” — do you know that story? — used to pass CAFTA in the first place.

Seriously, what would happen if Administration officials — dedicated democracy exporters all — were found to have broken another democratic people’s election laws at the behest of Chiquita freaking “we armed both the FARC and the AUC” Banana Brands?

I know it sounds insane, but other countries have laws against foreign interference in our elections. Come to think of it, so do we.

Do we really think that having Susan Schwab’s name signed to a front-page editorial during the “election ceasefire” period, conveying disinformation, is a harbinger of success during the next try at getting Doha done?

Do we really think that people who live in [literal] banana republics lack critical reasoning faculties? Bananas, the nutritionists tell us, are actually a form of brain food, you know. (We have a banana tree growing in our quintal here, in fact.)

See also

Most recent comment, on previous Spanish and Spanglish comments on the “NO” side of the issue:

All of the people wtitting here don’t know a heck of commerce or economics, chicos por favor soy tica, no se metan en lo que no saben, el desarrollo va de la mano del libre comercio, estudien un poco.

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No Room at the Inn: SIP-IAPA Starts a Fracas in Caracas!

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Poison pen pierces the North-South divide!

Boicot en Venezuela denuncia la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa (SIP): EL TIEMPO reports on an exchange of heated words between the Venezuelan government and the “Interamerican Society for the Exploitation of Journalists,” as the Bolivarians are pleased to tag the SIP.

The SIP says they cannot get hotel rooms, and blame the Bolivarian brigades.

EL TIEMPO does not bother to interview the people who might have direct knowledge of the fact in dispute: hotel managers and reservations clerks.

Varios hoteles se negaron a reservar habitaciones a sus integrantes para la reunión del 2008. El presidente de la SIP, Rafael Molina, alegó que es una forma ‘torpe e indirecta’ de cerrar puertas.

A number of hotels have refused to reserve rooms to SIP members for its 2008 meeting. SIP president Rafael Molina alleged this was a “sleazy and indirect” way of barring the group.

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“Four Flavors of Fear”: Excerpts from the Casas Memo

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The Casas-Sánchez memo to Arias: “Some urgent actions to reanimate the Yes on CAFTA campaign.” First and foremost: A media blitz based on “fear, uncertainty and doubt.” Kevin Casas, who resigned from the government, is under investigation for illegal use of public funds to benefit the “Yes” campaign. His permanent replacement as Minister of Planning was announced yesterday.

“For our friends, anything; for our enemies, the law.”

“Some 23% percent of working-class respondents indicated they could run into problems if they talked about the FTA, or otherwise expressed hesitation about discussing the issue.” –University of Costa Rica School of Statistics, Institution of Social Research. “Referendum and Free Trade Agreement, Telephone Surveys Between July and September, 2007.”

The major newspaper in Costa Rica published on its front page a letter by U.S. Trade Representative Susan Schwab warning that the U.S. would refuse to renegotiate the terms of the free trade agreement with Costa Rica if CAFTA was voted down.

A follow-up to

The memo is dated July 29, 2007, and is addressed to the president and prime minister of Costa Rica by Kevin Casas (former Minister of Planning, a professor of The Theory of the State at the University of Costa Rica and a lawyer representing the Arias Foundation) and Fernando Sánchez, a lawmaker in the government coalition (and, like Casas, an Oxford-trained political scientist).

(I am assuming from the fact that Casas resigned over the flap — his replacement was named today — that he actually wrote this. I have not seen any claims yet that the document published by Costa Rican newspaper was doctored or dummied up out of thin air.)

They propose that a YES committee be formed immediately to defend that position in the CAFTA referendum, and that the President be a member of that committee.

At another juncture, they propose organizing visits by senior government officials to the country’s largest private employers. Such as Chiquita — “Well, okay, yes, we ran guns for the AUC, but it was to protect our workers” — and Dole.

They suggest covering the visits as “information sessions on the government’s economic development plan, … or some such thing.”

“So as to cover our [backsides] with the TSE [elections tribunal],” they continued.

But allegedly the government is not allowed to use its command of the gazillion-jigawatt megaphone to through its weight behind one proposition or the other. Vincente Fox is in some trouble down in Mexico right now for the some sort of thing (Dick Morris told him to do it).

Casas was honored by the World Economic Forum in as one of 250 young leaders. Along with executives from Intel, Google, Apple and a Harvard Business School professor. And Jimmy Wales, the Confucian sage of Wikipedia.

I have been translating some sections off the PDF posted by the principal opposition party. Casas’ “innovation journalism” campaign, as outlined in the memo:

6. Plan and launch a massive campaign in the media: Beyond what can be done in communities and the business community, in the little time remaining, we must have absolutely no shame about saturating the media with publicity. Precisely because time is short, it is absolutely vital that we direct this campaign in two directions:

Debunk the idea that this is a struggle of rich against poor: This will require carefully choosing the faces that will represent “Yes” in the campaign, the use of workers and small business owners exclusively.

Likewise, we must ratchet up the decibels to a massive degree, along with the presence of the government’s social agenda in the media and official speeches.

We must stimulate fear. This fear has four types (modes):

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Costa Rica: After the CAFTA Referendum

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Process handoffs in Costa Rican electoral tribunal quick-count system. Votes (1) transmitted by telephone to regional centers, where the data is (2) manually entered for transmission to the TSE, via both private network and Internet, and from there to (3) the news media, via Internet. Network and telephone lines monitored by two private firms, ICE (telephony) and RACSA (ISP). A manual count is taken to confirm the quick-count, once (5) the ballots are physically delivered to the TSE in San Jose. White-hat hackers: Devise the simplest possible plan for defrauding this system. What occurs to me is that you (1) mess with the preliminary results during data entry or transmission, and then (2) mess with the ballots during transportation to make the results agree with the quick count. This is how the mapaches did it in Mexico. A very rigorously documented chain of custody on the ballot documents would therefore be paramount. In Mexico, cases of ballots tampered with while in IFE custody were documented.

TSE debe concluir conteo a más tardar 20 de octubre: La Nación (Costa Rica) reports the final vote count for the national referendum over ratifying the CAFTA free trade agreement will be complete by October 20.

It notes a Washington Post editorial calling the apparent victory of “Yes on CAFTA” a “defeat for Hugo Chávez.” The OAS certified the transparency of the election and called on all sides to respect the results.

“Preliminary results” suggested that the measure passed by a margin of 51.6% to 48.3%, or 3.3% — about your standard margin of error in opinion polling, right?

But the manual recount will not be completed until October 20.

One public opinion poll indicated a margin of 12% in favor of “no.” Another — by a firm which lists the Presidency of Costa Rica as a market research client — indicated a technical tie. See

I have been reading a University of Costa Rica publication — from the statistics faculty — on the role of the new media in forming public opinion during the recently completed referendum on CAFTA, the Central American Free Trade agreement. So I thought I would take a quick survey of coverage of the issue, by looking at the principal daily newspapers.

The Web site of the Diário Extra leads today with a photograph of two women fighting in the public street, captioned something like “Cat Fight!”

Its top headline is “Judge Accused [by ex-wife] of Raping Daughter, 6.”

That story is followed by “PAC will not obstruct the TLC.”

The opposition party, which campaigned for a “no” vote in the referendum as in the 2006 Presidential campaign, will reportedly boycott the ratification of the referendum result by Congress, but will not attempt to obstruct it.

That, nearly word for word, is also the top headline on the CAFTA issue in Al Día, and its top headline overall.

La Republica (a business publication) leads with “Arias leads trade delegation to China.”

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Dueling Polls in Costa Rican Referendum

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La Prensa Libre, Costa Rica, today: “Political parties will suffer from public discontent in the wake of the CAFTA referendum.”

Why do I emphasize the case of Mexico here? What does it have to do with our current situation in Brazil? It has a lot to do with it. If the polls start to converge on this kind of “technical tie” between Lula and Alckmin, we are in a risky situation. In the situation of a technical tie, the possibilities of electoral fraud are enormous. I would say that the temptation of electronic fraud would be impossible to resist.Maria Helena Moreira Alves on the 2006 Brazilian elections. See also “When Mapaches Learn to Play Maracatú

Costa Rica: “Não” ao TLC triunfará nas urnas, conforme as pesquisas | Radio Mundo Real: “No on the free trade agreement will triumph at the polls, surveys show.”

The report from the Brazilian radio station, part of the Friends of the Earth International network based in Holland, is from October 4.

File under “apparent failed prognostications,” subheading: “the peculiar mutability of Latin American opinion polls.” And see also

As últimas pesquisas de intenção de voto publicadas na Costa Rica o confirmam; a oposição ao Tratado de Livre Comércio (TLC) com os Estados Unidos não só tem crescido na Costa Rica, como tem superado o apoio que recebe este acordo comercial entre a população. Se antes falava-se de um “empate técnico” entre ambas as opções, agora esse conceito ficou para trás; o “Não” supera o “Sim” no referendo do próximo 7 de outubro, por uma diferença de 12%.

The latest surveys of voter intentions in Costa Rica confirm it: Opposition to the FTA with the United States has not only grown in Costa Rica but has surpassed support for this trade accord. If once a “technical tie” was spoken of by both sides, that concept is now history: “No” will defeat “yes” on October 7 by a margin of 12%.

A pesquisa mais recente –e a última que será publicada antes de que entre em vigor a norma imposta pela lei eleitoral que impede a publicação de pesquisas de opinião- indica que 55 porcento dos costa-riquenhos votariam pelo “Não” ao TLC, enquanto que pelo “Sim” votariam 43 porcento. Esta pesquisa, publicada pelo jornal costa-riquenho La Nación nesta quinta-feira e realizada pela empresa Unimer, indicou que a oposição ao tratado havia crescido em todos os setores da população, mas que se havia aumentado especialmente nas mulheres, os jovens, e as pessoas de renda baixa e média.

The most recent survey — and the latest to be published before an electoral law goes into effect banning publication of opinion polling — shows that 55% will vote “no” while 43% will vote yes. This poll, published by the Costa Rican La Nación daily this Thursday and conducted by Unimer RI, showed that opposition had grown among all sectors of the population, but especially among women, young people and persons with low to middle income.

A pesquisa revelou outros dados interessantes; por exemplo que mais de uma quarta parte das pessoas que afirmaram que votarão no referendo haviam feito sua decisão em setembro.

The survey reveals other interesting data; for example, that more than a quarter of persons who had resolved to vote “no” made their minds up in September.

Outra pesquisa feita pela empresa Demoscopia para o jornal Al Día de Costa Rica aponta o triunfo do “Não”, que teria 50,8 porcento da intenção de voto dos cidadãos contra 49,2 porcento do “Sim”.

Another poll by Demoscopia, published in the Al Día daily, showed “no” prevailing with 50.8 percent against 49.2% “yes.”

Which is actually, you will notice, a technical tie within the survey’s margin of error.

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“Álvaro Hitches a Ride with Pablo”: Why Uribe is Mad at Coronell


Virgina Vallejo plugs a tell-all book on her life and times with Escobar

Earlier this year, when the Supreme Court ruled that the Constitution forbade pardoning the crime of forming paramilitary groups, Uribe railed against the court, accusing it of having an “ideological bias.” Previously he had lashed out against prominent Colombian media when they had revealed allegations that Uribe’s former intelligence chief, Jorge Noguera, had collaborated with paramilitaries.HRW

NGOs dream of using the criminal power and the weapons of the traffic in favor of a social revolution they deem to be imminent and inevitable … It is needful for us not to heed these caveats, and to assume the risks and the collateral damage. It would be impossible to be more explicit than the words of Gov. Sergio Cabral about the narcotraffickers: “They are terrorists, they are evildoers.” – Col. Mário Sérgio de Brito Duarte, former commander of BOPE, the “trooper elite” of the Rio military police — unofficial but highly publicized motto: “We kill to create a better world” – and currently in charge of strategic planning for SESEG, Rio de Janeiro.

“You tell lies. You do not have journalistic scruples, you have hate, deceit. You have disgracefully made insinuations against me regarding paramilitarism, go and find me one single charge against me,” [President Uribe] said to journalist Daniel Coronell. –Quoted in EL TIEMPO

While young Americans are dying in the sands of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan, our nation is being torn apart and made weaker because of the Democrats’ manic obsession to bring down our commander in chief. —Zell Miller, GOP Convention speech, 2004

Los de las gafas: “The men with the eyeglasses.”

Writing in Semana on October 6, Daniel Coronell fact-checks a recent book that explores a putative relationship between President Uribe’s family and the late narcotrafficker Pablo Escobar.

The President and the journalist engaged in a hot dispute on the subject on talk radio this week, EL TIEMPO reports. See also

Cada vez que alguien se atreve a remover el pasado del Presidente, él apela a la misma estrategia. Monta en cólera. Llama a la emisora de sus preferencias. Hace señalamientos para criminalizar al que investiga. Explica exactamente lo que nadie le ha preguntado, evade los asuntos de fondo y garantiza un nuevo período de silencio sobre el tema.

Every time that someone dares bring up the past history of the President, he appeals to the same strategy. He resorts to rage and indignation. He calls up the radio broadcasters he prefers. He makes charges in a bid to criminalize those who are investigating him. He offers answers to questions no one has asked him, avoids the real issues, and thus guarantees a period of renewed silence on the subject.

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Brazil: Ali Kamel on Opus Dei and Innovations in Postmodern Content Management

“The delusional is no longer marginal” –Bill Moyers

Ali Kamel is the executive director of Globo Journalism in Brazil.

He has been accused by a number of native critics on a number of occasions of jaw-droppingly dishonesty.

See, for example:

In that case, it was business journalist Luis Nassif who accused Kamel of being jaw-droppingly dishonest.

After reading a fair amount of the coverage on the dispute, I have concluded that Nassif has an entirely legitimate point. Ali Kamel has been jaw-droppingly dishonest in that and a number of cases that I have studied, and presided over a number of other cases in which Globo has trotted out gibbering disinformation packaged as journalism. One of the more colorful cases, I find:

It is hard to understand why Ali Kamel still has a job.

I mean, holy cow, one of Kamel’s employees — a certain Mr. Messias, of all things –was arrested for being on the payroll of a Rio de Janeiro caça-níquel gambling mafia.

He was accused of tipping the mafia off to information he collected from law-enforcement officials under the cover of the reporter-source relationship. While working for Ali Kamel, whose name appears on the expediente of all Globo news programming. See

If Howell Raines — tragically, as some will tell you — had to leave the Times over the Jayson Blair affair, how on earth can Ali Kamel keep his job? While continuing to wag a moralizing finger in our faces on questions of journalistic ethics?

I find this mind-blowingly absurd.

But then again, I’m not from here.

Kamel’s Wikipedia biography bears the following notice:

A edição desta página por usuários não-cadastrados está desabilitada devido a vandalismos recentes.

The editing of this page by non-registered users has been disabled due to recent vandalism.

See also

The entry was originally authored by an anonymous user tracerouted to 200.148.69.187, one of a large block URLs assigned to Telesp, Sâo Paulo.

Its most frequent editor is someone identifying himself as Dantadd, who identifies himself with the following graphic, and a contact link, and that is all:

The image “The Alpha and the Omega
I am the Alpha and the Omega, the First and the Last, the Beginning and the End. Blessed are those who do his commandments, that they may have the right to the tree of life, and may enter in by the gates into the city.” — Revelations 22:13-14.

Kamel wrote the following defense of Opus Dei in 2006.

I will translate, and in the interests of equal time, also translate a response from Alberto Dines of the Observatório da Imprensa published on February 21, 2006.

File under “what is innovation journalism?” and see also

O Opus Dei, apesar do nome, é uma obra humana. Criticá-lo é um direito da imprensa, mas é nosso dever fazê-lo com isenção e sem preconceitos

Opus Dei, despite its name, is a human project. To criticize it is the right of the press, but it is our duty to do so with impartiality and without prejudice.

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“Thou Shalt Not”: A Martian Anthropologists Reads the Revised FENAJ Code of Journalistic Ethics


Barbon of Porto Ferreira, rural São Paulo. If journalists without college degrees or a license to practice journalism are not real journalists, then the fact that the diploma-less Barbon was assassinated because of reporting he published does not count as the murder of a journalist. Or so the Brazilian national union for journalists continues to reason. Just makes you want to break out into a rousing chorus of “Solidarity Forever,” don’t it? See also Brazil: Who Is a Journalist? New Cases in Point.

[Thou shalt not] permit the exercise of the profession of journalism by persons not licensed to do so; … FENAJ Code of Ethics, 2007

[Blessed are those who] show solidarity to colleagues who suffer persecution or aggression in consequence of their professional activity; … — ibid.

When a rural São Paulo journalist was assassinated recently — his exposé on local elected officials involved in child prostitution led to the conviction of several of them, one of whom was reelected while doing time for child-fucking — the national journalists union, FENAJ, argued that it was none of its business because the man was technically speaking not a journalist.

Which just blew my mind, and made me realize that I was not in Kansas anymore, Toto. See also

FENAJ, the Brazilian national union for journalists, has ratified a new code of ethics, which seems to have some indebtedness to the code articulated by the U.S. Society of Professional Journalists.

Which, I should disclose, is a pointed non-affiliation of mine.

It’s a group that feted Judy Miller of the New York Times as a heroine of the First Amendment, for one thing. Which is a position I strongly disagree with. And its code of ethics tends to trade off time-tested principles of epistemology for vague canards about “sensitivity” and “good taste.”

The Society of Business Editors and Writers puts out the most sensible ethical code I know of so far — research continues — and so they are the ones I pay dues to (except that at the moment I have let them lapse, I just realized.)

I am highly suspicious of the ASBPE — The American Society of Business Publication Editors — whose code of ethics I once evaluated for a publication I edited.

Editors do this all the time: “We are guided by the AP Stylebook with the following exceptions, caveats, or supplemental points …” The ASBPE, at that point, seemed to have been taking over by gabbling buzz-monkeys of the Mark “MediaShift” Glaser school:

Now that there is gabbling nonsense in the extreme. Why are my taxpayer dollars supporting this, I ask you?

But the folks at the ASPBE say they are upgrading and improving, so to be fair, I need to go and have a fresh look.

The point is that various unions and professional associations can compete for prestige in this area.

For example, as a professional (without a journalism-school degree, mind you; who needs it?) I prefer the National Writer’s Union to the Writer’s Guild. And for example, from the point of view of the consumer of information services, knowing what the stated editorial standards of PBS now are, I find it much more difficult to watch PBS news programming.

The PBS programming that is still worth watching tends to be the programming that continues to defy this wilfully nonsensical statement of sophomoric “Gnosticism for dummies”.

PBS recognizes that the producer of informational content deals neither in absolute truth nor in absolute objectivity. Information is by nature fragmentary; the honesty of a program, Web site, or other content can never be measured by a precise, scientifically verifiable formula. Therefore, content quality must depend, at bottom, on the producer’s professionalism, independence, honesty, integrity, sound judgment, common sense, open mindedness, and intention to inform, not to propagandize.PBS Editorial Standards

“What is truth?” said Pilate, washing his hands.

Simultaneously (1) celebrating honesty and commitment to accuracy and (2) asserting that there exists no minimal, concrete standard against which to measure that commitment is an astonishing feat of logic-chopping.

Because an utter lack of honesty is often easy to spot, I find, and requires no appeal to metaphysics.

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Brazil: Note From The Clampdown on CC5 Accounts


Brazilian doleiros ply their trade.

… one São Paulo doleiro, for example, known as “Wanted Suspect No. 24,” who appears in the principal report on the operation as the owner of an offshore firm called Watson, in the British Virgin Islands, is accused of moving, on his own, in a single year, some US$598 million.

The federal police will open a probe of 3,500 persons and firms suspected of illegal financial transfers to the United States between 1999 and 2002. The persons under investigation are politicians, entertainers, football players and civil servants. Included on the list are banker Daniel Dantas of Opportunity (also suspected of ties to the [“Belo Horizonte Baldy Trans-New Iberian Pipeline of Political Slush Funds”], [iconic Globo] TV personality Xuxa Meneguel, and [1,000 goal-scoring] football star Romário. The names of federal lawmakers are also cited, in which cases the PF will have to ask the Supreme Court for authorization to investigate. –October 1, 2005, citing “news agencies”

“We are not going to become some kind of Grand Caymans on the Hudson.” –Manhattan DA Morgenthau on the proof against Maluf.

Consultor Jurídico (Brazil) introduces me to a new concept: the CC5 account.

A 21 August 2006 note from a personal-interest clippings site on news of financial crimes fills in some of the background.

Representatives of a task force set up by the Brazilian federal government to investigate the extent of clandestine money transfers in the country’s so-called “parallel market” told journalists in early June that their work so far had revealed the activities of 64 illegal money transferors (known in Brazil as “doleiros“) resulting in the movement of $19.53 billion from Brazil to banks in the United States between 1996 and 2003.

That would be $20 billion on which no taxes got paid — money that might have, you know, funded the repaving of this bumpy, ramshackle little street we live on — where 19th century paralelepípedos peek through a thin layer of tar — or something.

On doleiros as a practicioners of “innovations in finance,” see also

Seriously: some guy who offers to meet you at a given time and place to do face-to-face cash deals — the Internet angle was that you arranged these meetings through the magic of e-mail! — managed to describe the scheme as an instance of Web 2.0 so convincingly that it was featured on a prominent “what’s new in Web 2.0” Web site.

Which made me laugh until milk shot out of my nose.

The totals were reportedly derived from investigations carried out by the CC5 task force which was charged with looking into alleged abuses of the use of certain bank accounts- known as CC5 accounts — permitted by Brazil’s Central Bank to be used for legitimate foreign fund transfers. Investigations over the last few years have found that certain CC5 accounts were used in large-scale money laundering activities, often allegedly carried out using doleiros as intermediaries, which were found to be related to money laundering networks at certain New York banks. (See “Financial Crime News” Special Report “Dollars, Doleiros, and Dominos: South American Money Scandals” July 2005, which also includes information on the “Tri-Border Region.”)

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TV Record: “Globo is a Cancer on the Nation!”

We were just watching TV Record’s evening newscast — a glitzy new feature on “Brazil’s Most Wanted” that we decided wasn’t too bad, really, by local standards, although with many of the same infotainment trappings you see on Globo’s Fantástico — and saw one of the most astonishing things we have ever seen in our life.

On TV, anyway.

TV Record interrupted its programming and aired a reply — in the form of a simple scrolling text, on a blue background, with a voiceover — to a story going around according to which Globo is trying to challenge the legality of the Record’s new 24-hour news channel in São Paulo.

See also

There is apparently a 1963 decree-law against one firm broadcasting over two channels in the same city. Of course, the guy who issued the decree-law was later removed from office by the generalissimos who gave Globo its leg up as a nationwide TV monopoly, in return for congratulating them for doing so.

Even so, I guess it is still on the books, for all the good it ever did.

As I mentioned, the new channel uses facilities for a preexisting channel, TV Mulher, which, Record explained in its note, broadcasts from another city in the state, but is relayed into São Paulo through a retransmitter. There is some parsing of legal language to be done over what the verb gerar means in this context.

I am waiting for Record to release the text on its Web site — in which, among other jaw-dropping things, it says that “the media monopoly is a cancer on the nation,” refers acidly to Globo’s notorious subservience to the military dictatorship, and claims that a Rio court is looking into alleged falsification of documents in Globo’s 1960 application for a TV license in Rio.

Well, then. This, my friends, is a case of what I like to call the “armed media monopoly wars.” A sport more vicious than Ultimate Fighting (which is dominated, of course, by Brazilian athletes).

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Rio: “The Police Will Sue Tropa de Elite Some More”

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BOPE spokesmen –”we kill to create a better world” — consistently describe any and all felony offenses as “atrocities,” among other astonishing rhetorical excesses.

If we want to change this reality once and for all, we need to accept the challenge without hesitation, and liberate, even if it is “by the sword,” the population from the clutches of crime, as we are doing in the Complexo do Alemão, liberating it from horror. If we wish to have a clean conscience, free of the vulgar regrets of those who hide behind seductive fallacies, such as those that camouflage ineptitude and incompetence, we must dare to be free, even as we weep at the pain of those who offer up their own flesh to the hot steel, as have the police who have fallen these last months, watering the soil with blood and honor so that the seeds of peace may be sown. The Alemão will be liberated. It belongs to Rio. It belongs to Brazil. –Lt. Col. Mário Sérgio de Brito Duarte, former commander of BOPE and currently in charge of strategic planning, he says, for Rio de Janeiro’s state department of public safety.

We need a communications policy and an ongoing dialogue with the mass media that will guarantee that the sense of risk is proportionate to the actual risk. –Rio de Janeiro mayor Cesar Maia, December 2006

Lula should be IMPEACHED for criminal association with a narco-guerrilla group, the FARC! Just look! El Tiempo reports that Brazil is offering to let Chávez and FARC negotiators meet on Brazilian soil! –Rio de Janeiro mayor Cesar Maia, September 20, 2007

Corregedor da PM do Rio critica o filme Tropa de Elite em blog: “The chief of Rio military police internal affairs criticizes the film Tropa de Elite on his blog.”

A follow-up to

The article referred to here is translated (draft-quality, as always) at

See also

This sort of thing continues to astonish me.

The elected government of Rio sets public policy.

People — heavily armed people — who get paid to execute that policy put up blogs and basically say that the policy is stupid — and crypto-Communist! and contrary to the Gospel According to Ayn Rand! — and they do not want to execute it. And that elected officials cannot fire them for insubordination because they do not have that right. We are the only worthy guarantors of the constitutional order!

Yikes. See also

O corregedor da PM do Rio, Paulo Ricardo Paúl, escreveu artigo fazendo críticas ao filme “Tropa de Elite” e ao livro que o inspirou, “Elite da Tropa”, escrito por Luis Eduardo Soares, André Batista e pelo ex-capitão Rodrigo Pimentel – por sinal, um dos roteiristas do filme.

The chief of the internal affairs office of the Rio military police, Paulo Ricardo Paúl, wrote an article criticizing the filme [“The Trooper Elite”] and the book that inspired it, written by Luis Eduardo Soares, André Batista and former BOPE captain Rodrigo Pimentel — the latter identified as one of the screenwriters on the film.

No artigo, publicado no Google Documents e acessível pelo blog Santa Bárbara e Rebouças, Paúl diz que vai entrar com uma ação judicial contra o filme.

In the article, published on Google Documents and accessible at the Web log Santa Bárbara e Rebouças, Paúl said he is going to file a lawsuit against the film.

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Brazil: “Elections Judge Bribed to Overlook Illegal Fake News Scheme?”

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PDF files sometimes come in handy — when they are searchable. Twenty-one references to Tolentino in the federal police report on the Belo Horizonte Baldy prequel. I am reading up on the putative doings of DNA Propaganda. Click to zoom.

Tolentino, who now represents Marcos “The Belo Horizonte Bald Man” Valério, was a justice of the regional elections tribunal for Minas Gerais and got money from the advertising executive during the 1998 state elections, when Governor Azeredo was trying and failing to win reelection. Acting as an elections judge, Tolentino voted in favor of the Toucan candidate in decisions that took place around the same time that deposits were made in accounts controlled by him and his wife.

Consultor Jurídico passes along the reporting from the Folha de S. Paulo‘s saintly Angélica Santa Cruz:

PF diz que juiz recebeu dinheiro para favorecer PSDB

The federal police says an elections judge got money to favor the PSDB.

We are breathlessly waiting to see whether Senator Azeredo, former national president of the PSDB and governor of Minas Gerais, will be indicted in the Belo Horizonte Baldy case this week.

This investigative piece, published Sunday, primes the pump nicely.

The story is being pushed principally by the major São Paulo press: Veja magazine’s Web site, which is carrying an abbreviated gist (without attributing the reporting to its source, that I can see), the Estadão — which the Folha credits with basic reporting on some elements of the story — and so on.

It should flow out over the newswires today to the grotões.

One caveat: I am reading the police report here, and while it does note payments to the man who later became Belo Horizonte Baldy’s lawyer, I cannot seem to find where the federal police report makes the explicit charge this headline says it does.

That actually seems to be more of an original inference on the part of various reporters, supplementing the police report with research into the lawyer’s career as a judge on the elections tribunal — who simultaneously, in his private practice, represented parties with business before his court — and the case files from the cases he ruled on.

So really, this actually seems to be a story about reporters using official information as a basis for developing new information and raising new questions. (Unless, of course, they started from an anonymous tip.)

One such case in the TRE-MG — the elections tribunal — I am reading, involved the use of “fake news” — paying to place “journalistic content” favorable to the client without acknowledging that the message was paid for by an interested party. From the Folha report:

A SMPB era a responsável por alguns dos anúncios sob suspeita veiculados em jornais como informes publicitários. Relator do processo, Tolentino considerou que as publicações eram de cunho eminentemente jornalístico e não configuravam propaganda ilegal. Por isso, rejeitou a acusação de uso indevido dos meios de comunicação e abuso de poder de autoridade. Como mostra o acórdão 293/200, a representação foi considerada improcedente por maioria de votos.

SMPB [Baldy’s ad agency] was responsible for some of advertisements in dispute, which had run as articles in newspapers. In charge of the case, [regional elections judge] Tolentino ruled that the articles were clearly journalistic in nature and did not represent illegal advertising, throwing out charges of undue use of media and abuse of authority against Azeredo’s campaign. But as shown in Ruling No. 293/200, his ruling was overruled by a majority of the TRE plenary session.

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Brazil: “We Must Clamp Down on the Nazi Internet!”


Paraguayan photoshop job from the Ex-Petista blog, cited by Olavo Carvalho as a reliable source in a Zero Hora column: “Police find fingerprints of PT members on the money!” Source not stated.

If anything characterizes our times, it is a sense of pervading chaos. In every field of human endeavor, the windstorms of change are fast altering the ways we live. Contemporary man is no longer anchored in certainties and thus has lost sight of who he is, where he comes from and where he is going. — The American Society for the Defense of Tradition, Family and Property, quoted in my Spinning the World Backwards.

Who is the true master of the universe in the age of Time magazine’s YOU? A technologist like Larry Page or Sergey Brin perhaps or maybe a marketer like Tim O’Reilly or John Battelle? Or could it be Edelman, Richard Edelman, the ubiquitous CEO of the even more ubiquitous Edelman PR agency, the largest private PR firm in the world. Edelman gets the Web 2.0 revolution better than anyone. He understands that there are no absolutes in this world, that everyone is self-created, that we — individuals and corporations alike — are all responsible for establishing our own version of the truth.

Congresso Em Foco — sort of a Brazilian version of The Hill — features Celso Lungaretti on “Goebbels-inspired noise machines of the left and right.”

Last article we ready by Lungaretti:

Lungaretti seems to be up to two rhetorical tasks here

  1. An appeal to the “radical middle” in the same vein as Cisneros of Venevision, with an ostentatious rejection of “the radicalism of both extremes”; and
  2. “Going Nazi” early and often

On Cisneros, see

On “going Nazi” in public debate, see also

In the process, Lungaretti makes an astonishing factual claim, without backing: That JIBRA, or the Independent Journalists of Brazil, headquartered in London, is an expression of Workers’ Party propaganda.

On which see also

It is the only concrete example that Lungaretti cites, in fact, of alleged Goebbels-style PT propaganda.

Which makes that aspect of this “fair and balanced” analysis of the phenomenon something of a “one-sparrow Spring” — a specious generalization from a single case. “Ronald Reagan had thick, oily hair. Therefore, all Republicans have thick, oily hair!”

But I myself once interviewed a very interesting and thoughtful former GOP congressman from the upper Midwest who was as bald as a cueball.

The problem is that I have been wondering about JIBRA myself, and have been unable so far to confirm anything that has been reported about it. I have tried fairly hard, too. I should probably see if there is any new information on the subject.

So far, I have not been able to trace any of the publications attributed to it to anyone identifiable, much less to supporters or members of the Workers Party.

In one case, there exists a blog that cites JIBRA frequently as somebody else’s work, but whose putative author bears the same name as one of the putative “London exiles” — even though the blog itself is datelined Fortaleza, Ceará.

The people who tend to spread the JIBRA memes are those kinds of bloggers who tend respond to the invitation to provide a profile by saying things like “Who am I? I often wonder that myself! Who is anyone, really, in the greater scheme of things?”

My favorite case: The “ex-petista” blogger cited as a source by Olavo de Carvalho. The portrait of the blogger showed a Bozo-style circus clown. See

The story of the “conspiracy theory” was spread, in fact — as I noted in that prior post — by a blog called Alerta Total.

Which has a long history of spreading the same sort of “tradition, family and property” gibbering that Lungaretti ostentatiously bashes here.

Which seems to imply that the source of Lungaretti’s claim that the left are a bunch of Goebbels-style propagandists may be the same source he spends most of the article assailing the credibility of.

Which makes me tend to suspect that this is the same sort of thing we saw in Colombia recently: Disseminating a message and attributing it to someone else in order to discredit them.

Most recently, for example, “Fidel Castro endorses Hillary Clinton for president!”

It’s a variation on the ancient Pompeiian satirico-political graffito: “The smelly bums who sleep in the park urge you to vote Claudius for mayor!”

See

An interesting, but fundamentally boneheaded, gambit in “how to win an argument without being right”: reverse plagiarism in the service of a straw man argument, with specious generalization from a single case.

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The Bald Man and the Bad, Bad Banker: Notes on the Contemporary Brazilian Meme Wars

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NMM(-TV)SNB(B)CNN(P)BS on Dailymotion.

This [blog post] is basically a conflation of cinema-induced fantasy, anti-Americanism, anti-President Bush, anti-capitalism, and fear of propaganda stemming from World War II. –Richard Edelman

A good horse runs even at the shadow of the whip. — Zen koan.

Fads can be incredibly lucrative: mass hysteria and stupidity can make a real difference to a business’ bottom line. … –Rhymer Rigby. “Craze Management.” Management Today. London: Jun 1998. p. 58

Some commentary on recent journalistic coverage of two Brazilian governance scandals: corruption at the Central Bank ca. 1998, and the emerging story of the bald ad man from Belo Horizonte and his political slush-fund pipeline. With off-the-cuff notes on the Record-Globo face-off and an homage to Richard Edelman and Faith Popcorn.

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Infographic of the Week: Colombia’s Elections Observer Mission

MOE, the Missión de Observación Electoral, set out to discover correlations between elections irregularities and a number of other risk factors, including:

  1. attacks on freedom of the press
  2. the presence of FARC
  3. the presence of the ELN
  4. the presence of emergent criminal-paramilitary groups, including narcoparamilitaries, groups emerging from the ranks of demobilized “paras,” God knows what else, and combinations thereof
  5. the incidence of armed clashes
  6. the incidence of “internal displacement (expulsion)”

They published their observations in map form with a color code not unlike that used by our Homeland Security nationwide terrorist risk indicator — which to my knowledge was set on “amber” on the day it was rolled out and has never budged from “amber.”

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Fuzziness and fear: If the threat remains constantly elevated, does that mean I should never leave home without my chemical warfare protection gear? It’s as though the Teleprompter monkey on the weather desk were to tell you, not what the risk of rain was on a given day, but that “You never know what’s going to happen next, so be prepared for anything!” Waste of taxpayer money of the century?

El Tiempo headined a story yesterday on the study something like “Government admits risk to elections process in 76 [seventy-six] municipalies.”

The text of the story on the MOE study, however, refers — accurately, I think — to 576 [five hundred and seventy-six] municipalities with extreme, high, or moderate risk from one or several of these factors.

We should check to see if ET regretted the error.

Samples:

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Number of ballot-boxes interfered with, for reasons of public disorder, by municipality.

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Colombia: “J.J. Rendon Does Not Work For Me”

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“Germán Medina (above) is not a hooker-themed blackmailer like J.J. Rendón.”

A good horse runs even at the shadow of the whip. — Zen koan.

Fads can be incredibly lucrative: mass hysteria and stupidity can make a real difference to a business’ bottom line. … –Rhymer Rigby. “Craze Management.” Management Today. London: Jun 1998. p. 58

‘J.J. Rendon no es mi asesor’, afirma el candidato a la alcaldía de Medellín, Alonso Salazar: “J.J. Rendon does not advise my campaign,” says Medellín mayoral candidate.

The report is from El Tiempo (Bogotá), which also reports that the “king of black propaganda” may soon have his contract terminated by the La U political party. More on that in a bit.

An aide to a La U legislator reportedly got the Zen master of gabbling nonsense on tape threatening to create a hooker-themed scandal if the legislator did not accede to a political bargain Rendón’s client was proposing to him.

On Rendon — or Rendón — see also

Semana magazine, meanwhile, reports that opposition leader Carlos Gaviria is now attributing the astonishing incident of a U.K. Guardian op-ed, published under his byline but not authored by him, to the work of the Bolivarian Donald Segretti.

The thought had occurred to me, too.

Also in Semana: “Risk of political violence in 576 townships in upcoming municipal elections.”

An El Tiempo headline to the same effect today cites “76” townships.

Gaviria explica esta serie de acusaciones al hecho de que detrás del gobierno hay hombres como J.J. Rendón especializados en hacer montajes, difamar, calumniar de sus adversarios políticos para que estos inviertan su tiempo más valioso en aclarar cosas que no ha hecho. Calumnia, calumnia que algo quedará, dice el refrán.

Gaviria attributes these events to the fact that behind government there are people like J.J. Rendón who specialize in frame-ups, defamation, and slander of political opponents, in a bid to force them to waste valuable time explaining [nonexistent facts]. Slander, slander, slander until something sticks, as the saying goes.

A saying most often attributed to Joseph Goebbels.

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